Tagged: free speech
Law 29: Demonetizing Bin Laden
Buddhism is the true religion of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Let me explain. Gautama opposed the caste system and was attacked – although not persecuted – by the Brahmins. Since then, Savarkar (1883-1966) and other proponents of Hindutva ideology have played down the caste system, to the point of presenting it as a deviation from true Hinduism or Hindutva. Therefore, as they oppose the caste system, they must be Buddhists, unless they are Westernized revisionist brains.
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Demonetizing Bin Laden
“Center [Indian Government] had justified the decision of demonetization stating it was taken to crack down on fake currency, black money and terror financing.” (Hindustan Times, YouTube, Jan 2, 2023)
Some governments can’t take any action without justifying it by a necessity to fight terrorism. A potent justification as far as illiterate mobs are concerned, certainly. In 2019, EU stopped issuing its 500-euro banknotes, the highest euro note; these were called “Bin Ladens” because they were allegedly used in criminal transactions (and Western media know of no other criminal than Bin Laden, although mafias have been thriving all over the place for decades). 500 euros is about 45,000 Indian rupees, and one can understand that transactions that must remain cash (because they are unlawful) need high-value notes, but what proportion of “Bin Ladens” were used by Al-Qaeda compared to mafias? – India fighting terrorism with excavators (demolishing for encroachment the property of alleged terrorists running free [see Law 28: “Bulldozer Crackdown”]) and demonetization…
However, Modiji demonetized 1,000 INR notes to replace them with 2,000 notes†, that is, he replaces high-value notes by even higher-value notes. Criminals need cash for their high-value criminal transactions. You and I need cash for groceries; for more expensive purchases we usually make bank transfers. The 2,000 note is evidence that the demonetization has nothing to do with war against crime.
“People seeking to exchange their banknotes had to stand in lengthy queues, and several deaths were linked to the rush to exchange cash. … The move reduced the country’s industrial production and its GDP growth rate. It is estimated that 1.5 million jobs were lost.” (Wkpd: Indian banknote demonetization) Congratulations, Modiji!
†To be quite precise, demonetized 500 and 1,000 INR notes were replaced by new 500 and 2,000 notes.
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The Delhi Car Drag
“Delhi erupts in rage after car drags woman for 7 kilometers; Murder or accident?” (Hindustan Times, YouTube, Jan 2023)
(i)
Some constitutional considerations
“Delhi chief minister demanded death penalty for the accused.” In all countries, it would be senseless for a member of the executive to tell courts what their decision should be, at any stage. But to demand death penalty is even more senseless in India, where, although death penalty exists, only eight executions have been carried out since 1996, that is, death penalty in India is a mockery.
Delhi chief minister (CM)’s demanding a death sentence for what has been said, so far, to be an accident, is senseless. But given Indian Supreme Court (SC)’s decision Bachan Singh v State of Punjab (1980), even if it is, in fact, a gruesome murder, the demand would still not be in line with actual law, that is, said Supreme Court’s decision, which limits death sentence to “rarest of rare crimes.” These include crimes involving the “security of the state” and I therefore disagree with SC’s ruling. There exists no reason to make a difference between crimes based on state security. Such a line simply cannot be drawn, unless it means that the life of a public official has more value than ordinary citizens’ lives – an abhorrent idea.
Delhi CM talks in the present case of “rarest of rare crime” indeed, the condition for a death sentence. According to the Indian Supreme Court, there is a rarest of rare crime when, to begin with, a “murder is committed in an extremely brutal, grotesque, diabolical, revolting or dastardly manner so as to arouse intense and extreme indignation of the community.” This cannot be a valid definition. Homicides committed in anger or fear are usually more brutal and violent and dastardly than premeditated murders committed in cold blood, and yet it is a well-established principle that premeditation makes a crime more heinous. By emphasizing the graphic element of a crime, the definition overlooks other major aspects, just like a mob reacting to a crime.
However, the attempt by SC to define “rarest of rare” contrives a definition that denies the very name “rarest of rare”: “[I]f the motive betrays depravity and meanness, or if a backward or minority community member is killed not for personal reasons but to arouse social wrath, the accused should get death. Other crimes which technically fall into the rarest of rare cases are bride burnings and dowry deaths, a child victim, the assassination of a public figure for political reasons [security of the state, discussed above], or killing a defenseless person because of old age or infirmity.” Hate crimes, political crimes, infanticides, etc. Such a large definition for rarest of rare. – Given that among the only eight people executed since 1996 in India, we find a gang of rapists who later killed their victim, one is bound to think, unfortunately, that rarest or rare are the cases properly brought before a court.
(ii)
The facts
Two female friends, Anjali and Nidhi, left a hotel in Delhi at 1:30 am on a scooter. Later, street cameras show Anjali’s body dragged by a car. Crowds rioted in anger when they learnt police reported the incident as an accident.
It looks like an accident, but even so the men in the car would be culpable of hit-and-run and manslaughter.
a/ Hit-and-run
Had the men stopped the car after the accident, the car would not have dragged the body. It remains to be seen if a car can drag a body with the occupants not noticing at once; experts will tell.
a-a) Passengers’ v. driver’s responsibility
There is 1) the accident but also 2) the hit-and-run. The other occupants of the car beside the driver would have to convince a court they did their best to prevent the hit-and-run, otherwise they are accomplices in it. If they failed to report the incident, complicity will be retained.
If a car passenger does not report to police after the incident (without good reason), he will be presumed to have supported the hit-and-run. What if they were caught by police while still in the car? Obviously, a passenger cannot stop the driver without risking an accident, so if one passenger urges the driver to stop and the driver won’t listen, there is probably not much else the passenger could do; in this case, the passengers should not be presumed accomplices. Passengers can stop a driver but there is always a risk of accident, as the driver is in control of the car.
If passengers were stoned from alcohol or otherwise, and didn’t even realize there was an accident, then again, they are not accomplices.
When actor Salman Khan’s chauffeur was found guilty of a hit-and-run while Salman, as passenger, got away with it, I assume the court had good reasons for a decision I find counterintuitive, because Salman was the boss, and the chauffeur his employee, so at first I would assume Salman gave his chauffeur the order to keep driving rather than the chauffeur took Salman “hostage.” But perhaps the chauffeur was so afraid of the consequences of the accident that he did not listen to his boss urging him to stop the car. Possibly.
b/ Manslaughter
This is not only an accident but also a hit-and-run, and not only a hit-and-run but also manslaughter. The difference with murder is that the driver and passengers probably didn’t intend to kill Anjali by dragging her, they had rather hoped the body would detach, alive, from under the car so they could drive away, released from this “burden.” However, the drag was an act of violence causing injuries that resulted in death: the definition of manslaughter.
Someone, a YouTube user, said “[the accused] having knowledge” is enough in Indian law to characterize murder, “not only mens rea” (a legal term for intent). Knowledge of what, he did not tell, but I think I can connect the dots, and that puzzles me because it means Indian law has no proper distinction between murder and manslaughter, which, if true, would be a shortcoming. In the present case, for instance, the men probably knew they were committing a violent, potentially lethal act, but death was not their intent (mens rea); their intent was more likely to have the body released from the car or the car released from the body, although, in their recklessness, they were certainly aware this could provoke death†.
Delhi CM, who demands a death sentence for them, seems to have another appreciation of the facts; he may think they dragged a person unknown to them with the purpose of taking her life, that they had a design to choose a random prey to torture and kill her or took the opportunity of an unexpected traffic accident to satisfy murderous instincts and they enjoyed it. But neither the chief minister nor I is a judge of the facts. The jury will settle it. In the meantime, as the chief minister talks his mind, I talk my mind too. The facts of the case as known so far from reports by Indian media seem to point to manslaughter rather than murder, unless the men knew the victim, a point the police said they are investigating. If the men knew the victim, the police may find biographical elements in their relationships that could constitute a plausible mens rea for murder, for instance if they bore her a grudge for some reason or other. Absent a previous relationship, there seems to be no other possible mens rea other than, for instance, a murderous mindset oriented toward random gruesome acts (but if the men don’t have a criminal record, this will hardly obtain, unless a psychiatric report points to the same) or a hatred for women that would make the case a femicide, a hate crime (which the Commission for Women has hastily presumed without, in my opinion, good reason, if not the assumption that Indian males, or all males, are prone to roaming streets for killing women – but is this assumption or prejudice? To be sure, Anjali’s clothes had been torn by the long drag, and this could make think of rape.)
† Knowledge that an act might provoke death cannot be sufficient for the distinction because all violent acts are potentially lethal, even a punch or a kick, so we would have to assume that every violent act causing death is a murder if the culprit is found responsible of his acts; that is, the manslaughter category would become so residual that it would not even be correct to talk about it as a standing category. Yet the use of violence can be elicited by many reasons other than a wish to kill, therefore the manslaughter category is necessary. That its suppression may help deter violence overall cannot, even if the effect were ascertained, off-balance the distortion that would be imposed on facts and reality by such a conception. Furthermore, the distinction does not preclude a probabilistic approach that pronounces indictment for murder for acts from which death were likely to occur. It is not the same to punch or stab or shoot at someone in anger; when the act committed was likely to cause death, an intention to kill is more difficult to discard. What about a slow-motion car drag? As cameras show, the driver tried to release the car from the body by driving at slow speed, presumably because he thought that a higher speed would be fatal; that is, the vehicle’s motion hints at the driver’s intent not to kill Anjali.
c/ Police conduct
As for police conduct, which has been questioned, we heard that a first police report talked of an accident, and this triggered street demonstrations or riots. If there was only “accident” in this report, then truly the report seems light, as a hit-and-run was also obvious. But a hit-and-run is not yet, per se, a murder/manslaughter either. Assuming the report was about accident and hit-and-run, one could still be puzzled and ask: How did the men not notice there was a body under their car? I have been watching Indian channels on YouTube these last days, and since the Anjali case surfaced, already two other car drag incidents occurred in India, as in Hardoi (Uttar Pradesh) yesterday, Jan 6, when a cyclist was dragged by a car over one kilometer before the driver stopped. On videos, we see pedestrians rushing toward the vehicle to alert the driver that he was dragging somebody; apparently, the driver had not noticed it at once. In the Delhi case, some people say a “decent” driver’s not noticing is impossible, but is it so certain? For one, it depends on the condition of the roads: where a car ceaselessly bounces up and down due to the road’s unevenness, it probably takes longer to notice the presence of a dragged burden under one’s car. Nevertheless, in case police did sloppy work, this is no evidence of coverup, rather than incompetence or neglect, yet. Even if police try to protect a politician among the car passengers (or is he the driver? – one of the accused is a local BJP politician), Nidhi’s interview in front of cameras can be of no help in that regard, as far as I can see, contrary to what is said by some: Nidhi’s testimony as we know it (see iii) can’t cast the least shadow of a doubt on the main facts.
Assuming police are trying to protect the BJP politician, their best asset for this at the present stage would be Nidhi, that is, they would shift attention from the men to Nidhi. She would be the one responsible for the accident and the men would have noticed nothing, neither the accident nor the drag, they’re cleared. If police staged Nidhi’s interview, as some suggest, they would have knowingly induced her to tell lies, such as her claim that “Anjali was drunk and I wasn’t, and yet she insisted to drive” which would, unanticipated by her, later be dispelled by forensic expertise (no alcohol found by the postmortem) and cast serious doubts on her personality. Therefore, if the claim is police interference, insistence on charging Nidhi is not quite consistent, because Nidhi’s words may have been staged: apparently an attempt to clear herself but in fact a trap diabolically laid for her by police.
(iii)
The victim’s friend
Nidhi was witness to a hit-and-run that would likely result in homicide, seeing Anjali dragged away under a car. She probably ran for her life, thinking: “If these monsters notice me, a witness to their crime, they’ll want to kill me too, so indifferent are they to strangers’ life.” Then she went back home. Why not to the police? At 2 am in the morning, the safest was straight home. Perhaps she didn’t even know where the police station is, nor was there anybody around to tell her, or she didn’t dare ask, for that would have shown she was helpless, and men could have raped her. And she didn’t have police number on her phone: who cares about that at 20 something? So, Hindustan Times says she went home, probably thinking of asking for advice. She then did nothing for the next two days: if this means she reported on her own initiative after three days, then she finally reported. Why so long? Perhaps the first day she was completely out of her mind, then the second day she thought it was already too late and she hoped she would escape investigation, and the third day she had remorse and reported.
But Nidhi’s behavior is a secondary and minor question, just as the accident is secondary in importance to the possible crimes, hit-and-run and manslaughter. Absent further elements that may surface later, in the previous paragraph I attempt an explanation. Some added in the meantime elements about her criminal record (drugs), and the hypothesis that she hid for two days to allow time to erase traces of alcohol or drugs in her blood (she would have been the one intoxicated and not, as she said, Anjali). But all in all, it is not clear how her behavior could be of great relevance to the main issue, unless one nurtures the idea of a premeditated murder of Anjali in which Nidhi would be implicated. Even if Nidhi were found liable for not reporting and/or the accident (cf. the allegation that cameras show she had her hands on the handle a few moments before the accident), that wouldn’t change the elements regarding hit-and-run and manslaughter.
(iv)
The Commissions for Women
Does the National Commission for Women make a statement each time a woman dies a violent death in India or is there something special here?
The Commissions for Women, national commission and Delhi commission, added fuel to the fire; I suspect one or the other instigated or incited the riots, or at least provoked them by making provocative statements. Who first claimed it was a femicide, with rape and what not, in defiance of the police report? (Anjali’s clothes were torn due to, according to expertise, the drag, but as the body was half-naked people at the CW immediately said it was a case of rape and murder.)
Delhi Commission then sharply criticized Nidhi’s interview and threatened her with legal action for her “character assassination” of Anjali (who Nidhi said was drunk and yet insisted on driving the scooter). Is it character assassination when Delhi chief minister demands death penalty for the men in the car, who are still presumed innocent (like all accused before a judgment)? Is it character assassination when one or the other Commission for Women spins a femicide yarn out of thin air? Bureaucrats would be the only ones allowed to talk? – Obviously the Commission for Women is embarrassed by their femicide spin in defiance of the preliminary police report. So-called “character assassination” is allowed in a trial and then (in a trial) it is no slander: when you are accused of something, you are allowed to defend yourself, and that may mean to shift responsibility onto others’ shoulders. (Of course, if you are found to be lying, your defense will be disregarded.)
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Saudi Raves
“Rave Parties in Saudi Arabia: Crown Prince MBS Stuns the Old Guard with Modernization Push.” (Hindustan Times, YouTube, Jan 2023)
At the same time, Italy criminalizes rave parties. In Italy now, organizing a rave party will owe one up to six years imprisonment. The law has just been passed. Italians have had enough and know better than MBS.
Rave party means hundreds or thousands of people gathered in the dark with loud music covering everything. Alcohol and drugs will circulate uncontrolled in Saudi raves because tourists are now welcome in the Kingdom, which did not deliver tourist visas until a couple of years ago. But the main concern is probably the opening of the land of Islamic holy sites to cultural forms that are increasingly considered, in the very West where they originated, as repellent and degenerate –even if rave parties did not imply invasion of property and noise pollution on several square kilometers–, so much so that it’s just got banned in Italy.
I don’t know the rules about alcohol and tourists in KSA but I know the United Arab Emirates (UAE), where tourists can get alcohol at hotels and private homes. I am told the rules are not the same. However, KSA, the new tourist destination, will likely follow UAE’s example, for you can’t invite a drunkard to your place and deprive them of their booze.
P.S. “Woman Who Went Topless After Argentina’s World Cup Win Escapes Arrest in Qatar. An Argentine woman, seen flashing in videos from the stadium, has appeared to have escaped any action.” (News18, Dec 22, 2022)
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“China Restarts ‘Mission Nepal’ Against India. A purported China dove has been made Prime Minister.” (Firstpost, YouTube, Jan 2023)
A combined invasion of India by China and Nepal would be dramatic for India.
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A medical use of cannabis was contrived as a wedge for recreational use. At Woodstock, no one said a word about medical use but they had a lot to say about recreational or existential or philosophical or whatever use. Medical use was contrived by people who had smoked weed at Woodstock and were looking for a way to make their new pastime accepted by society. That is, they perjure the Hippocratic Oath. From recreational and illegal to medical to recreational and legal.
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The Air India Flight’s
Urinating and Indecent Exposure Case
“Drunk man on Air India’s New York-Delhi flight urinates on woman co-passenger.” (HT, YouTube, Jan 2023)
The regulator wants sanctions against the “negligent” cabin crew, but pay attention that the crew is also a victim of the indecent exposure (“After urinating, the man continued to stand there, exposing himself”), even if they were not urinated upon (this a crime I am unable to define legally at this stage, having no example in mind). Air hostesses and even stewards were in a state of shock, as victims themselves, and could not properly handle the passenger who was shamelessly exposing his parts to them. All in all, I think the National Commission for Women should make a statement.
The indecent exposure dimension of the incident has been completely played down so far and this is shocking in its own right. Crew hostesses have a right to damages, just like the lady who was urinated upon in addition to damages for being urinated upon. Indecent exposure is in the Indian criminal code (sadhus being outside the purview of the considered section). Therefore, you can’t sanction the crew as if they had not endured something foul themselves.
“Indian criminal code is not applicable in aircraft flying over foreign airspace. Also, if the man is a foreign citizen and he urinated when the aircraft was flying over foreign air space, then India does not have any jurisdiction. It is the country in whose airspace the aircraft was when the crime was committed, that has the right of jurisdiction and the right to conduct investigation and trial in that country’s court and punishment in that country’s jail.” (B.) – It is the Indian national regulator wants sanctions against the “negligent” crew; therefore, I assume the sanctions must be taken with due consideration to Indian legislation.
The crew evidently reported the incident to their management, and it is the managers who didn’t report. One must not confuse two different things: 1) the handling in the cabin of a crazy man who was a danger to everybody. If you think that intentionally urinating on people is common and does not betray an altered, potentially dangerous state of mind, just let us know. Then, 2) the report to authorities, and it is the management or direction’s duty, because clearly this kind of decision is deferred to the latter. I am therefore confident the company’s management or direction will be sanctioned for not reporting the dreadful incident to authorities and the cabin crew will get damages for being harassed by a sex freak.
Had a steward knocked the freak out, he would be the one prosecuted, for assault and battery. And the crew are not pledged to protect from piss a passenger’s body with their own bodies. “Preventing this [a crime] from happening,” as a YouTube user wants it, by “pinning him [the freak] down” is no more the crew’s than the passengers’ responsibility, it’s called a citizen’s arrest. If their employment contracts include arrest power, like contracts of bouncers in nightclubs, then all right, the cabin crew may be sanctioned, but I doubt the contract of an Air India hostess includes such things.
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Insult To a Foreign Head of State
and French Hypocrisy
“Iran threatens France over Charlie Hebdo’s ‘offensive’ cartoons of Khamenei.” (HT, YouTube, Jan 2023)
“U.S. backs France on freedom of expression.” Why did the United States not stand up for freedom of expression when French President Macron filed a complaint against a poster depicting him as Hitler? (See Law 27) Was there no concern about freedom of expression then? Let’s wait and see French government’s response to Iran, but if their answer is that freedom of expression is guaranteed in France, I urge the media to ask them why Macron lodged a complaint when he saw a picture of him as Hitler, and about several other recent instances of executive attempts at stifling speech.
As far as hate speech is concerned, it tends to be permitted in France to abuse Islam, but not other communities. This is the problem, which in fact makes Iran’s overall position not contrary to freedom of speech as far as France is concerned, since their demand amounts to asking the same legal protection from hate speech for Islam as other communities have in France, that is, to stop state discrimination against Islam. If France is a free-speech country, Iran’s demand is that France be a nondiscriminatory free-speech country.
French law represses speech, make no mistake about it. As to the present controversy, there existed in France a crime of insult to heads of foreign states (like Ayatollah Khamenei) until 2004, when France was condemned for this legislation by the European Court of Human Rights. But as with the specific crime of insult against the national President, which was cancelled in 2013, again after a condemnation of France by the ECHR, and replaced by the general crime of public insult, a foreign head of state is still allowed to sue people in France for insulting them. This is to let Ayatollah Khamenei know that French laws unreservedly support his concern, and he is welcome to sue Charlie Hebdo and ask for damages.
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Saffron Bikini
The saffron bikini in Pathaan movie, which has aroused anger among Hindus, is a useless provocation. Artists must pay heed. The ire was certainly anticipated by all in the business and yet they did not refrain. An excuse such as “We thought the color was nice for the dance scene” would be frivolous; another color, less charged with sensitive symbolism, would have been as fine. So why?
(ii)
Saffron bikini v. national flag bikini
Excerpts from All India Roundup, Aug 13, 2015: “10 celebrities who insulted the Indian national flag.”
“[Tennis player] Sania Mirza was pictured sitting with her bare feet that appeared to rest on a table next to an Indian flag. Isn’t [it] shameful!”
“[Cricket player] Sachin Tendulkar was accused of insulting the Indian flag, when pictures of Tendulkar celebrating his birthday on March 2010 by cutting a tricolour cake went viral.”
“Back in 2000, designer Malini Ramani also landed herself in trouble when she wore a flag dress.”
“Bollywood’s bold actress Mallika Sherawat got embroiled in legal trouble when she draped herself with the tricolour.” [She was nude but draped in the flag.]
“King [Shahrukh] Khan was booked by Pune police for allegedly insulting the national flag. He was booked on the Compliant of LJP national secretary Ravi Brahme that SRK allegedly insulted the tricolour in a video uploaded on youtube.”
“However small-time actress and model Gehna Vashisht must be severely condemned for her indecent act and was rightly taught a lesson by the people by wearing a tricolour like a bikini.” [She was assaulted by an angry mob and then arrested by police.]
“A case was filed against Bollywood star Amitabh Bachchan for covering his body with the national flag in a manner insulting the national flag.”
“Narendra Modi…has been accused of insulting the national flag by a social worker of Pondicherry, who has lodged a complaint against Modi for wiping his face using the tricolour scarf he was wearing.”
So much sensitivity over national symbols in that country, but saffron bikinis are fine even though saffron is also a symbol? If those complaining about a national flag bikini don’t see a problem in a saffron bikini, they are double-faced.
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“‘I killed 25 Afghans and I am not sorry’: Prince Harry’s chilling confession.” (HT, YouTube, Jan 2023)
If HT got its content from the leaked Spanish version, I think there is a translation mistake. Prince Harry did not “serve in the army,” the army is serving him as hereditary Prince of the British Kingdom. However much I would like to think he is a citizen like the others, and a soldier like the others, the medieval concept of his hereditary function is an obstacle to such a feeling. I might not be the only one.
Prince Harry is the only one thinking he did war like the others. Come on, guys, break the news to him. – I will believe a British Prince did a soldier job when he dies on the front, but it never happens.
Any military command knowing what military intelligence is would never send such a sensitive target on a military front. Imagine the Taliban getting intelligence that Harry is in chopper #9: all Taliban rockets on the spot would be for poor Harry. No, he must have comfortably enjoyed his trip across the beautiful land.
Law 27: Who cares about a President’s feelings? Public figures and speech
A “more broad-minded society” is a content-based concept, and not all people will agree on what its content is, what that society will or should look like. Therefore, if one opposed this concept to free speech, one would ask the prevailing of some particular content over freedom. By the same token, one could say “we need to balance free speech with the good.” As we are all (supposed to) look for the good, the good is a higher value than free speech; however, it is precisely because “the good” knows of no universal definition upon which everyone would agree that free speech must not be balanced with the good, as it then would be balanced by content-based concepts imposed by some on others. Therefore, the most broad-minded society is the society where speech is freest, and not at all a society where some speech is suppressed in the name of broad-mindedness.
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Some scholars want to use the feelings of victims to justify speech suppression. Victims are much more under the effect of their feelings than ordinary people, they are overwhelmed by grief; therefore, when the same scholars say such things as: through emotions “the private self overrules the public self in our decision-making,” why do they not apply this reasoning to victims and on the contrary use victims’ feelings as a good reason for suppressing or limiting speech? By their own reasoning, aggrieved victims being under the effect of emotions, there should be some social, legal check that prevents them from making decisions, for example re speech, based on the private rather than the public self. These scholars’ concepts are inconsistent. The difference between a private self and a public self is nonexistent.
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“I can’t be that rare.” This phrasing does not support the idea that the generalization the author is making is substantiated by facts. It is only her feeling; but a feeling is worthless as far as facts are concerned, so if this is the only reason why she writes “here’s how I know” that Republican women have abortions too, namely because she, a Republican woman, had an abortion and she “can’t be that rare,” then the whole thing is ridiculous, and therefore she is rarer than she thinks in my opinion.
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The Biden administration has just canceled the position of one of its officials, Sam B., charged (twice) with stealing luggage at the airport. A deputy assistant secretary stealing luggage. Let it sink in. Now we all know that if you take a plane at the same airport as a deputy assistant secretary from the Biden administration, you might never see your luggage again.
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“Former Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan faces controversy. An alleged phone recording between him and a woman has gone viral in which the PTI chief can be heard making ‘lewd’, and ‘vulgar’ remarks. The ‘leaked’ audio tape has kicked up a political storm in Pakistan as Khan is rallying for a return to the PM post in next year’s general elections.” (Hindustan Times, YouTube, Dec 20, 2022)
In France, such leaks are criminal offenses, such leaks are crimes. Were the target a French politician instead of Imran Khan, there would be a police investigation and the culprits would be brought before a court of law. – For instance, Piotr Pavlenski awaits his trial for leaking in January 2020 a sex tape of then government member Benjamin Griveaux; he faces one year’s imprisonment (and, as we are writing this in December 2022, he has been facing it for a long time already).
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Abandonment of judicial prescription for crimes against humanity has been justified by the nature of said crimes, yet prescription is necessitated by the principle of fair trial, so its abandonment simply cannot be justified in this way, as the conditions for a fair trial are the same regardless of the crime. Abandonment of prescription means disregard for the fair trial principle.
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Who cares about a President’s feelings?
Public figures and speech
Personnalités publiques et droit dit de la presse
« Touche-moi pas, tu m’salis. »
“Indonesia’s new criminal code outlaws insulting president: Human rights activists in Indonesia are concerned a new criminal code will stifle free speech in the world’s third-largest democracy.” (Al Jazeera English, YouTube, Dec 20, 2022)
Did anyone hear human rights activists say something when President Macron of France filed a complaint against Mr. Michel-Ange Flori for a poster depicting Macron as Hitler? Such laws exist throughout Europe (where even lèse-majesté laws exist). In France, the presidential complaint alleges the general crime of insult punished with a fine, but before 2013 insulting the President was punished with prison, and “outrage,” which the President could have alleged as well, is still punished with prison. In the Flori case, the court has not followed the presidential plaintiff, which means that comparing someone to Hitler is not an insult. The court said among other things that the parodical intent of the poster is obvious. How strange when one knows that humorist Patrick Sébastien, when he mocked Jean-Marie Le Pen by singing, made up as the latter, a song with ludicrous racist lyrics, was condemned for hate speech: parody was no excuse for the humorist.
But the court also says that the poster “falls within the public debate of general interest,” as a political message, and is therefore permissible. This has nothing to do with the fact that the content is insulting, that is, had the court only had the content in view, the poster was punishable on its face. But the court thinks in different terms, so let me use a fiction and talk like a court for a moment. “Insults aggrieve the feelings of individuals but our Constitution prevents us from taking heed of Mr. Macron’s feelings. Had Mr. Macron wanted to spare his fragile feelings, he would have been well-advised not to look for the spotlights as a public figure. Politics is heated, major interests are at stake, and with interest goes passion. People passionately defend their views; therefore, a free public debate implies by constitutional necessity that politicians be less protected by law against speech than private persons. Mr. Flori, against whom Mr. Macron filed a complaint for insult, is an honest citizen who respects his neighbors, but Mr. Macron is not one of Mr. Flori’s neighbors, all private persons, Mr. Macron is a public figure whose decisions are a focal point of the public debate, and he must expect an amount of scrutiny and speech, polemical and other, uncommon with that legitimately expected by a private person. His using the courts as if he were a private person is vile lawfare aimed at stifling political opposition.”
(ii)
Nous passons au français, renonçant à faire comprendre aux personnes anglophones et formées au droit anglo-saxon le concept français d’outrage dont nous devons à présent discuter.
Dans l’affaire Flori, le Président de la République a porté plainte pour « injures publiques » (selon un article du Point du 13 décembre 2022, ce qui semble renvoyer à l’article 33 de la loi de 1881) et non pour « outrage à personne dépositaire de l’autorité publique » (article 433-5 du code pénal). Le Président a donc souhaité se présenter dans cette affaire comme un particulier et non comme représentant de l’État.
Le choix était-il permis ? C’est pourtant bien le Président de la République qui est représenté en Hitler. Il aurait donc fallu requalifier le chef d’accusation et passer de l’article 33 prévoyant une amende de 12.000 euros à l’article 433-5 prévoyant une amende d’un an d’emprisonnement et 45.000 euros d’amende. Il n’est pas du tout permis de voir dans le chef d’accusation le moins grave retenu pour la plainte une forme de mansuétude, puisque la justice a démontré, en cassation, que la plainte, les poursuites, les condamnations en première instance et en appel, tout cet appareil répressif mis en branle était outrageant pour M. Flori et l’ensemble des Français attachés à la liberté d’expression. Cette espèce de choix qui serait laissé aux victimes entre différents articles du code n’a guère de sens et fait de la justice un marché pour états mentaux quérulents. Les dispositions sur l’outrage sont expressément prévues pour distinguer les injures reçues par les uns et les autres, en aggravant celles reçues par certains citoyens, et ce n’est pas à la discrétion des victimes dès lors que l’injure est reçue « dans l’exercice ou à l’occasion de l’exercice » de la mission de la personne dépositaire. Le cas est évident quand le Président de la République est représenté sous les traits d’Adolf Hitler en vue de dénoncer le passe vaccinal, une politique publique conduite par le gouvernement français. Il n’existait donc aucune possibilité juridique pour le Président d’adopter un autre grief que l’outrage, même si l’outrage est facialement une injure publique comme celles prévues à l’article 33 de la loi de 1881, plus clément. Si l’injure publique et elle seule avait été condamnée, l’outrage serait resté impuni malgré l’intervention de la justice. – Le comble du cynisme serait de se servir des dispositions relatives à l’outrage pour donner le sentiment que l’appareil répressif est débonnaire en appliquant des dispositions moins sévères, celles relatives à l’injure, pour des faits identiques. Or les faits ne sont pas les mêmes selon les personnes visées, nous le répétons, puisqu’il existe dans notre droit un privilège des personnes dépositaires de l’autorité publique vis-à-vis de la parole de leurs concitoyens (qui ne sont pas en réalité leurs concitoyens, de ce fait, mais des sous-citoyens).
L’idée est que ce n’est pas seulement la personne qui est insultée mais aussi, et avant tout, sa fonction, l’outrage étant supposé être « de nature à porter atteinte à sa dignité ou au respect dû à la fonction dont elle est investie », selon les termes mêmes de l’article 433-5, c’est-à-dire que c’est l’État qui est insulté. L’État, c’est elle, c’est cette personne-là, et les autres comme elle. Car, s’agissant de la mention de la dignité, dans l’article, c’est du bavardage : toute injure est une atteinte à la dignité, que l’on soit représentant de l’État ou non, et ce bavardage n’a précisément d’autre but, caché, que d’écarter l’idée que nous venons d’effleurer, à savoir que le délit d’outrage est non pas une atteinte à la personne mais aux symboles de l’État, la personne étant revêtue d’un symbolisme qui la dépasse et dépasse ainsi sa dignité de personne (la dignité des personnes dénuées de symbolisme est à 12.000 euros, avec le symbolisme elle monte à un an de prison et 45.000 euros).
Or la Cour de cassation, dans son arrêt de décembre 2022, vient de balayer cette conception. Car comment concevoir que l’on ferme les yeux sur les contenus insultants avérés (à moins de supposer que le Président trouve flatteur de se voir comparé à Hitler) au nom du débat d’intérêt général, si cela ne signifie pas que les personnes dépositaires de l’autorité publique, du moins les élus, doivent être moins protégées que les particuliers, dont la victimisation par injures ne saurait se justifier par le débat d’intérêt général ? Comment cet arrêt pourrait-il ne pas détruire complètement en droit une conception vivante de l’outrage en ce qui concerne les politiciens ? (Et pourquoi seulement maintenant ?)
Il convient, revenant sur notre petite prosopopée de la justice en (i), de distinguer entre les politiciens, qui attirent la lumière des projecteurs sur eux du fait de leur engagement politique, et ceux qui attirent les projecteurs pour des accomplissements étrangers à la politique. En effet, un génie des mathématiques, par exemple, résolvant un problème difficile pourra certes attirer l’attention des médias pour cet accomplissement, sans que cela signifie pour autant qu’il ait recherché cette attention. Son statut de personne publique n’est donc pas le même exactement que celui du politicien dont le but et la vocation est d’être un représentant de l’État. Pour le premier, le statut de personne publique est obtenu par accident, tandis que c’est une qualité propre au second, une propriété de ce dernier. Le premier doit donc conserver une plus grande protection vis-à-vis de la parole d’autrui car il reste davantage une personne privée que le second, lequel est en réalité une personne publique dans ses moindres faits et gestes. Ce dernier point est bien sûr nié par le droit français, ce même droit qui pose le principe « l’État, c’est elle » pour les personnes élues (même si le délit d’outrage prévoit certes aussi les cas où l’élu pourrait être insulté à titre privé et non « dans l’exercice ou à l’occasion de l’exercice » de sa mission). Les politiciens font sciemment de leur vie privée un argument de marketing politique mais les lanceurs d’alerte qui dévoilent les mensonges nauséabonds ainsi servis à la crédulité du public sont encore traités en délinquants : voyez le Griveaux Gate, que nous avons déjà commenté ici (Twit28, février 2020).
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PHILO
Retour à de la philosophie : le texte qui suit peut compléter utilement le chapitre « Le kantisme devant la théorie de la relativité » (ici) de notre Apologie de l’épistémologie kantienne (dont le pdf est disponible en table des matières de ce blog).
« Les personnages de cette allégorie sont des figures géométriques : triangles isocèles, carrés, polygones, cercles… Dans leur monde plat, en deux dimensions, ces figures sont très hiérarchisées et ont des coutumes et des croyances bien ancrées. Aussi, quand un modeste carré doté d’une conscience découvre la troisième dimension lors de l’apparition soudaine et invraisemblable d’une sphère, on crie à l’hérésie. Tout à la fois critique de la rigidité de la société victorienne et texte fondateur de la science-fiction, Flatland aborde la question troublante de la possibilité d’une quatrième dimension spatiale. » (Introduction à Flatland d’Edwin A. Abbott)
Ceci est un enfantillage, cette parabole où des figures planes ont des « traditions bien ancrées » et qui crient « à l’hérésie » est un moyen facile et même grossier de se faire passer pour les Lumières contre je ne sais quel obscurantisme. Cependant, nous ne parlons pas au nom de la tradition mais de la philosophie, en l’occurrence au nom du concept d’expérience possible. Le nombre de dimensions, le tesseract, l’hypersphère sont des « outils mathématiques » : il reste encore un pas à franchir, celui de montrer que ce sont des objets physiques, si l’on entend décrire avec ces outils mathématiques des objets physiques, c’est-à-dire, plus précisément, si l’on entend décrire des structures réelles du monde sous la forme de ces choses.
En admettant que notre entendement soit réellement dépourvu du sens de dimensions surnuméraires réelles, cette réalité n’est pas celle de la physique possible pour nous, et cette limitation n’est pas comme celle de la vue et des autres sens, qui peut être élargie par la technologie (le microscope, etc.), mais c’est une limitation a priori qui ne se laisse corriger par aucune expérience possible, par aucune technique. Mathématiquement, il est possible de poser autant de dimensions que l’on veut, comme on veut, mais cela se fait dans un ensemble abstrait qui n’est pas l’espace physique. L’univers de la théorie des cordes est lui-même un outil mathématique ; en admettant que l’on puisse, sur le fondement de cette théorie à vingt-six dimensions, faire des prédictions justes quant à l’univers physique à trois dimensions, ce qui reste à voir, cela n’impliquerait pas encore que cette théorie parle de l’univers physique, de la même manière que les nombres négatifs ne veulent jamais dire que « moins trois oranges » est quelque chose de physique.
L’invasion mathématique du physique, quand on perd de vue le caractère d’instrumentalité non signifiante de l’outil, est fatale à la pensée, comme dans l’introduction à Flatland. Nous ne sommes pas des figures géométriques à trois dimensions incapables de concevoir des dimensions surnuméraires existant réellement, car notre réel, la nature physique, a trois dimensions et, s’il existait un espace réel ayant plus de trois dimensions, il pourrait tout aussi bien ne respecter aucun des autres principes fondamentaux des mathématiques par lesquels nous décrivons scientifiquement la nature, c’est-à-dire que l’on n’en pourrait jamais rien dire ni rien savoir.
Nous devons donc reprendre les termes mêmes d’un des savants aux travaux de qui l’on doit un surcroît de fantaisie déplorable en philosophie, Heisenberg, pour calmer les esprits ayant cette pente. Heisenberg rappelle ceci : « « La phrase : ‘√-1 existe’ ne signifie rien d’autre que : ‘Il existe des corrélations mathématiques importantes qui peuvent être représentées de la façon la plus simple par l’introduction du concept √-1.’ Bien entendu, les corrélations existent tout aussi bien si l’on n’introduit pas ce concept. C’est ce qui permet d’employer très utilement, du point de vue pratique, ce genre de mathématiques dans la science et la technique. Par exemple, en théorie des fonctions, il est très important de noter l’existence de certaines lois mathématiques qui se réfèrent à des couples de paramètres pouvant varier de façon continue. Ces corrélations deviennent plus faciles à comprendre en formant le concept abstrait √-1, bien que ce concept ne soit pas fondamentalement nécessaire à la compréhension, et bien qu’il ne soit pas relié aux nombres naturels. » Il n’est pas question ici de physique mais cette mise au point sur « l’existence » des nombres imaginaires est importante : tout ce qui est facialement paradoxal, c’est-à-dire contre l’expérience possible, en mathématiques est paradoxal seulement à titre d’instrumentalité non signifiante en soi. Heisenberg voyait bien que l’existence des nombres imaginaires avait un sens restreint, mais une intuition comparable manque à certains, qui se mettent alors à délirer sur ce qu’est la nature, laquelle est indissolublement liée aux limitations a priori de notre intellect.
Comme nous avons un chiffre pour les dimensions de l’espace, 3, et comme nous avons une échelle des chiffres, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5…, le mouvement « Et si l’espace avait plus de trois dimensions ? » est naturel et quasi spontané (pourquoi pas, également, un nombre infini de dimensions ?) ; mais nous avons trois dimensions pour l’espace et ce chiffre est immuable dans notre expérience. Ce n’est pas une mesure, on ne le raffine pas, on ne peut dire : « l’espace a très exactement 3,14115… dimensions », ce n’est pas le chiffre d’un objet de mesure quelconque. Les dimensions surnuméraires sont un outil non signifiant physiquement, dont l’usage, si l’on souhaite le tolérer, exige une traduction en termes physiques acceptables, à terme, au cas où cet usage aurait des résultats prédictifs avérés.
