Tagged: lawfare

Law 28: Breakup as abetment to suicide and other weird tales from the real world

EN-IT

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EN

Vanity Fair

Saudi bans ‘Abaya’ for Muslim students in exam halls; Crown Prince orders adhere to uniform.” (Hindustan Times, YouTube, Dec 2022)

The video does not show the uniform that female students will have to wear instead of abaya, so this piece of news is wanting.

Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) otherwise said: “The decision is entirely left for women to decide what type of decent and respectful attire they choose to wear.” Not so for female students, as they will have to don a uniform other than the abaya. – Still, at the same time that they defang the mutawa, the religious police, this. Consequently, I believe Saudi women will wear indecent and disrespectful attire in public, because there no longer is police enforcement of the decency rule. The abaya is a consensual sign of decency. For every innovation in female attire, there will be a question regarding its decency but no one to properly enforce the rule and, at last, no one to bother about it because it will be too much strain to monitor each fashion change in the endless race of vanity.

If you look at Pakistan’s current Minister of State for foreign affairs, Mrs. Hina Rabbani Khar, you’ll see she wears a veil. Yet her veil reveals all her hair, and not only the hair but also the hairdo; it is only a piece of cloth attached to the back of the head. If this is decent attire, then wearing no veil at all is no less decent because the difference between this sort of veil and no veil lies somewhere between nil and minimal. Presumably, Saudi women’s fashion will follow the same direction as a result of Saudi authorities’ current stand against the traditional and rational abaya. Instead of decency, mockery.

With Mrs. Rabbani Khar’s veil, you also see the ears. With the earrings. It would be a pity not to be able to show such expensive jewels, would it not?

Meanwhile, in Western countries, the next trend in lawmaking will be menstrual leave. Mark my words.

(Post-scriptum. According to some, the abaya ban in exam halls has been motivated by a will of Saudi authorities to prevent the use of crib sheets, as the attire would facilitate it.)

Saudi traditional dress: niqab for females (usually with abaya) and shemagh, the Saudi keffiyeh, for males, here extended over the face.

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“Bulldozer Crackdown”

BJP government in MP [Madhya Pradesh] punishes man with bulldozer action for assaulting girlfriend.” (Hindustan Times, YouTube, Dec 25, 2022)

(i)
On the one hand

The man’s house being “illegal,” it was bulldozed because of its illegality and certainly not because of assault and battery by the owner on his girlfriend. Can you image a system where the administration bulldozes one’s house because of battery, and this even before any judgment by a court of law? No, the assaulter was not punished by the government for assaulting somebody: he will be judged for his assault and, as to his house, as it was found illegal it was bulldozed. If the house had been bulldozed by virtue of an extrajudicial decision of the government, and that were normal, then India would not abide by the rule of law. But the whole story has nothing to do with administrative “punishment” of a wrongdoer. This is not how the law works.

(ii)
On the other hand

If certain illegal houses, a certain slum had been brought before a court already, MP government had a court order to demolish the slum, not a permission to demolish some of the houses at the government’s discretion. Then, assuming MP government chose to ignore the order based on governance considerations, by allowing some people to live in illegal houses it detracted from the principle of equality before the law. Then, when it punishes a wrongdoer from the slum by bulldozing his house, the government commits another breach of the principle, as the wrongdoer will be punished not only by way of the penalty prescribed by law but also with demolition of his dwelling, which presumably is not in the code under the head of assault and battery. The government may believe to correct one breach, a “plus breach” for the individual (who benefits from government tolerance, in disregard of real estate law), with a “minus breach” (adding an administrative penalty, namely cancellation of said tolerance, to the usual, expected judicial penalty), but in reality it only accumulates breaches of the equality principle.

My take on the issue is that operations of this kind do not reduce crime and are not even aimed at this. If it took bulldozers to prevent violence, the laws should be rewritten to replace prison by bulldozing. But the government thinks it’s got a convenient tool to exercise a judicial power of its own, which it does not have by virtue of the separation of powers. By ignoring real estate law and, in many cases presumably, property rights of landowners whose land is illegally occupied, it creates a slum jurisdiction in which the real judicial power is the government, instead of courts, because there is no defense against an administration that can send a bulldozer to demolish one’s house, and slum dwellers therefore fear not as much the courts as the government. This preeminence of the executive is authoritarian. Slum dwellers are at the mercy of officials, completely dependent on their flippant whims, without recourse. (In such grey zones, drugs and prostitution rings could be run by law enforcement and other officers themselves.) Such governments have no enticement to eliminate slums and on the contrary a direct interest in maintaining them. The only way to see that change is to reject the government’s claims to behave as property law enforcer against individual slum dwellers.

In (i), I overlooked the slum dimension of the issue, which is that slum dwellers are at the mercy of government officials. Also, as several people live in the house, there is a collective dimension to the punishment which is contrary to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, of which India is a signatory state (although, technically, the wrongdoer and his family are not punished with bulldozing for the wrongdoer committing battery but for the family’s illegal occupation of land).

Some people argue that MP government’s maneuver is good deterrence, as trials are long processes. – However, even if a trial can be long, there is such a thing as pre-trial detention, especially for murderers and violent criminals, which are named by these people. Many accused are kept under arrest while their trial is going on, so the remark is absurd. Then, bulldozing the illegal house of a wrongdoer, not because of illegal occupation of land but because of something else, is not permissible. First, the government tolerates illegal occupation of land regardless of landowners’ rights. Then, officials blackmail the squatters by threatening to bulldoze illegal houses not because a landowner is harmed by illegal occupation but because a squatter does something wrong, and that something can be anything, from battery as in the present case (but the criminal code has no such penalty as bulldozing a house in punishment for battery) to looking askance at one or the other official’s conduct. Finally, bulldozing a house where several people live in retaliation for the wrongdoing of one person is against legal principles of the civilized world and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This story, once understood, is appalling publicity for the Indian regime. It talks of slums, that is, lawlessness for landowners; it talks of extrajudicial punishment, that is, lawlessness for slum dwellers; it talks of collective punishment, that is, lawlessness for everybody.

(iii)
And then

J&K [Jammu and Kashmir] government bulldozer action against Hizbul Mujahideen deputy chief. According to authorities, Ghulam Nabi Khan alias Amir Khan had a wall built on encroached land as an extension to his house in Liver Pahalgam in the south Kashmir district. Khan is a self-styled operational commander of the Hizbul Mujahideen outfit and had crossed over to Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (PoK) in the early 1990s and is operating from there.” (Hindustan Times, YouTube, Dec 31, 2022)

Is “bulldozer crackdown” (Hindustan Times) the specific penalty against “terrorists,” then, rather than the legal response to encroachment? – India fighting terrorism with excavators. Now I better understand the phrase “the long arm of the law”: it talks of the articulated arm of excavators.

I’m impressed how Indian authorities punish terrorists for their violations of urban planning.

What a show of powerlessness by Indian authorities! To have people labeled terrorists and punish them for estate encroachment…

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‘Burn Indian High Commission’: Maldives ‘India Out’ campaigner Adil Riza arrested.”(Hindustan Times, YouTube, Dec 25, 2022)

I disagree that the tweet, as presented, is incitement to arson. Abbas Adil Riza claims the 2012 riots and arsons in Maldives were provoked by India and the damages have not been compensated. “We should start with embassy” is to read in this context, the asking of compensation. In the same way that some threats are true threats and others are merely rhetorical tools in controversies, this tweet is rhetorical, not incitement. The tweet means Maldives has a right to compensation for the 2012 arsons. As India may acknowledge its debt and pay it, the payback alluded to, arson for arson, is not a true threat; it is obvious that arson cannot repay arson, this is merely a way to express the urgent need of compensation after the alleged damaging interference. The tweet is not about Maldives’ retaliation but about Indian reparations. There is, to be sure, a form a rhetorical threat in it, namely: “Absent reparations, Maldivians may retaliate with arson against the embassy and other Indian estate in Maldives.” However, as the threat is conditional, it cannot be incitement, and rather a rhetorical tool in an ongoing debate about reparations or about the events of 2012.

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Only in BJP India:
Breakup as abetment to suicide

BJP [political party with Hindu nationalist ideology] MLA [Member of the Legislative Assembly] R. K. [I do not wish to publicize the MLA’s name on this blog] said if there is any love-jihad angle in actor [actress] Tunisha Sharma’s suicide, then the police will probe that and take strict action. The BJP MLA added the communal angle after Tunisha’s co-actor Sheezan Mohammed Khan was arrested and sent to police custody for four days based on the complaint [for abetment to suicide] by Tunisha’s mother.” (Hindustan Times, YouTube, Dec 2022)

The love-jihad spin deserves some explanation first, for a Western readership. Some Hindus believe that Muslims practice a form of jihad these Hindus call “love jihad,” which takes the form of relationships of Muslim males with Hindu females, the aim of which would be to alienate the latter from their religious community and any other malice conceivable. And now to the point.

Breaking with one’s lover is not abetment to suicide. First of all, extramarital relationships are not protected by the law. When you are dropped like a bag of dirt, you get a broken heart, whether you can live with it or not. If you want your relationship to be protected, do not consent to anything outside marriage.

“The FIR [first information report] says that the breakup may have pushed Tunisha to the edge.” A man arrested for breaking up with his girlfriend is here the salient and weird piece of news. The love-jihad spin by a MLA was unfortunately predictable, given the arrested man is a Muslim; it is the predictable and deplorable sequel of something unexpected and very lawfare-like. Merely breaking with one’s girlfriend is not abetment to suicide, which requires intent and some form of direct incitement and/or active psychological pressure. Even if the breakup were the direct cause of suicide, it still would not be abetment, absent further elements hinting at intent and pressure; therefore, that such a vague FIR (“breakup may have pushed T. to the edge”) can serve to arrest a man is appalling. The police themselves may be engulfed in love-jihad fantasies and prejudice, to allow this.

“Cops … maintain that there is no angle of blackmailing or love jihad yet.” So why was Sheezan Khan arrested? Do they want to torture him to get false confessions? The mother’s declarations, as described, do not support the case for abetment to suicide. There used to be, in Western countries, a crime of fraudulent or deceitful seduction (tentative translation of French “séduction dolosive”), which would apply to false promises of marriage as here alleged. However, it is obsolete in the liberal “emancipated” West, and as India is so eager to be as liberal as the West on morality issues, I believe it does not exist in India either. But to talk, in lieu of this, of abetment to suicide, on the grounds presented, is frivolous.

Sheezan Khan has nothing to do in police custody. Police said there is no blackmailing or love-jihad angle “yet,” and the complaint for abetment to suicide is frivolous: to presume intent to abet suicide in a breakup is completely unwarranted. A man being grilled in police custody after his lover’s suicide is appalling publicity for the Indian regime, it is outrageous. In any case, a breakup cannot per se give enough reasons to presume intent to abet suicide, or love jihad, or blackmail, or whatever, and arrest a man.

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Gujarat Shocker: BSF [Border Security Force] Jawan [soldier] lynched after fight over his daughter’s ‘obscene’ video. The soldier along with his wife had decided to confront the accused teenager for allegedly circulating the video. However, on raising the issue with the teenager’s parents, the accused’s family attacked them.” (Hindustan Times, YouTube, Dec 2022)

The more liberalism ruins authority within the family and community, the more it is compelled to repair its mistakes with harsh liberticidal legislation, such as against so-called revenge porn. Liberalism is against families because it is against freedom. If you don’t want obscene videos of yourself on the web, then don’t allow videos to be made of you to begin with. Liberal laws do not have in view payment for acts but rather shielding from payment for acts. You agree that a video is made of you, but you call the police when it is released; yet it is you allowed the release by allowing the video to be made. You’re asking the state to repair your own mistakes. You were lured by promises of lustful liberty and now you beg the police to beat up your lovers with bludgeons and torture them in dark cellars. You are the ones asking for a police state.

In police states, women have their lovers killed by police in basements to prevent revenge porn. Termination is paid by the taxpayer. What kind of state is India?

In France, revenge porn is admissible evidence in a divorce case, yet it is a crime. Think about it.

A man should not marry a woman whose obscene videos are circulating on the internet.

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Twitter’s Deep Involvement with CIA [after FBI] Now Out in the Open | Twitter Files” (Firstpost, YouTube, Dec 2022)

So, Twitter is basically an intelligence department within the public administration, and yet all this commercial advertising on the platform? Shocking.

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In the Year of the Rabbit

Not one country will lift a finger to help Taiwan. China’s quarantines have had an impact on the world economy, with tensions on many production lines. You can’t go to war against the workshop of the world, it would have to be a blitzkrieg and that’s impossible against China. It must be a war of attrition and you can’t fight such a war against the very workshop of your armies.

(ii)

On hypothetical “Western sanctions against China”: the phrase sounds so unreal. How could any country impose sanctions against the workshop of the world? The workshop would keep producing, but its “sanctioning” outlets would collapse.

It is because of foreign investment that China became the workshop of the world, and why has foreign investment gone to China to begin with? Because of profit maximization and free trade. That is to say, companies won’t leave China unless it becomes less competitive, less attractive, or because national states see China as a threat and force companies to leave the country, i.e., if there are sanctions against China. Western sanctions against China are no more unthinkable than a completely different makeup of the world economy, but they are unthinkable in today’s situation.

Companies coming in a country on commercial considerations and leaving on political considerations, are leaving to their own commercial detriment. In Europe, so many factories have shut down over the last decades. As unions say, when this happens, this is not only a factory that is closing but also know-how that goes lost; as the industrial base has been narrowing, redundant skilled workers cannot find jobs for their specific skills any longer and must apply to unskilled jobs. National relocation of industry would be a long process, and this must deter nations from taking sanctions against their workshop, China, because in the short run they will suffer from them more than sanctioned China.

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Criminal trials do not require complaints. Imagine a man without family and he is murdered. He can’t complain because he’s dead and relatives can’t complain because he had none; yet the authorities will investigate the case to bring the culprit before a court of law. Another example: A man having one relative is murdered by his relative. The victim won’t complain because he’s dead and the relative won’t complain because he’s the murderer. Complaints are not needed in criminal cases for justice to be done.

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On Indonesia’s extramarital sex ban. If governments are allowed to ban drugs, there is no reason why they could not ban extramarital sex. When you take drugs, is it any less your own business? Extramarital relationships are the business of any government having marriage regulations, that is, of all governments. Pay attention that, where adultery is not banned, it is a legal cause of punitive divorce. Where adultery is not banned, there is divorce for misconduct. However, when the situation between the spouses is asymmetrical, this civil procedure is wanting, so a criminal procedure may correct the asymmetry and restore harmed spouses in their rights.

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The lèse-majesté laws of UK are shrouded in mystery. 1) When one cabinet member said these laws are no longer valid, the statement was later recanted. As it was recanted, it is to be assumed one still faces imprisonment for life in case of lèse-majesté. 2) Police arrested demonstrators with placards “Not my queen etc.”; the demonstrators were later released, and the authorities explained it was the demonstrators’ right to demonstrate. So what, if I’ve got the right to demonstrate and am nonetheless arrested (demonstration terminated) and later released? This is very convenient. No trials: oh so liberal! No demonstrations: oh how they love their monarchs!

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IT

“Italia e Turchia sono storicamente i due attori principali del Mediterraneo.” (Giorgia a Bali) Bello. Adoro. Dato che Giorgia Meloni non è sposata, dovrebbe provare a diventare la seconda moglie di Erdogan, per consolidare i legami dei due attori principali.

Law 27: Who cares about a President’s feelings? Public figures and speech

A “more broad-minded society” is a content-based concept, and not all people will agree on what its content is, what that society will or should look like. Therefore, if one opposed this concept to free speech, one would ask the prevailing of some particular content over freedom. By the same token, one could say “we need to balance free speech with the good.” As we are all (supposed to) look for the good, the good is a higher value than free speech; however, it is precisely because “the good” knows of no universal definition upon which everyone would agree that free speech must not be balanced with the good, as it then would be balanced by content-based concepts imposed by some on others. Therefore, the most broad-minded society is the society where speech is freest, and not at all a society where some speech is suppressed in the name of broad-mindedness.

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Some scholars want to use the feelings of victims to justify speech suppression. Victims are much more under the effect of their feelings than ordinary people, they are overwhelmed by grief; therefore, when the same scholars say such things as: through emotions “the private self overrules the public self in our decision-making,” why do they not apply this reasoning to victims and on the contrary use victims’ feelings as a good reason for suppressing or limiting speech? By their own reasoning, aggrieved victims being under the effect of emotions, there should be some social, legal check that prevents them from making decisions, for example re speech, based on the private rather than the public self. These scholars’ concepts are inconsistent. The difference between a private self and a public self is nonexistent.

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“I can’t be that rare.” This phrasing does not support the idea that the generalization the author is making is substantiated by facts. It is only her feeling; but a feeling is worthless as far as facts are concerned, so if this is the only reason why she writes “here’s how I know” that Republican women have abortions too, namely because she, a Republican woman, had an abortion and she “can’t be that rare,” then the whole thing is ridiculous, and therefore she is rarer than she thinks in my opinion.

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The Biden administration has just canceled the position of one of its officials, Sam B., charged (twice) with stealing luggage at the airport. A deputy assistant secretary stealing luggage. Let it sink in. Now we all know that if you take a plane at the same airport as a deputy assistant secretary from the Biden administration, you might never see your luggage again.

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“Former Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan faces controversy. An alleged phone recording between him and a woman has gone viral in which the PTI chief can be heard making ‘lewd’, and ‘vulgar’ remarks. The ‘leaked’ audio tape has kicked up a political storm in Pakistan as Khan is rallying for a return to the PM post in next year’s general elections.” (Hindustan Times, YouTube, Dec 20, 2022)

In France, such leaks are criminal offenses, such leaks are crimes. Were the target a French politician instead of Imran Khan, there would be a police investigation and the culprits would be brought before a court of law. – For instance, Piotr Pavlenski awaits his trial for leaking in January 2020 a sex tape of then government member Benjamin Griveaux; he faces one year’s imprisonment (and, as we are writing this in December 2022, he has been facing it for a long time already).

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Abandonment of judicial prescription for crimes against humanity has been justified by the nature of said crimes, yet prescription is necessitated by the principle of fair trial, so its abandonment simply cannot be justified in this way, as the conditions for a fair trial are the same regardless of the crime. Abandonment of prescription means disregard for the fair trial principle.

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Who cares about a President’s feelings?
Public figures and speech

Personnalités publiques et droit dit de la presse

« Touche-moi pas, tu m’salis. »

“Indonesia’s new criminal code outlaws insulting president: Human rights activists in Indonesia are concerned a new criminal code will stifle free speech in the world’s third-largest democracy.” (Al Jazeera English, YouTube, Dec 20, 2022)

Did anyone hear human rights activists say something when President Macron of France filed a complaint against Mr. Michel-Ange Flori for a poster depicting Macron as Hitler? Such laws exist throughout Europe (where even lèse-majesté laws exist). In France, the presidential complaint alleges the general crime of insult punished with a fine, but before 2013 insulting the President was punished with prison, and “outrage,” which the President could have alleged as well, is still punished with prison. In the Flori case, the court has not followed the presidential plaintiff, which means that comparing someone to Hitler is not an insult. The court said among other things that the parodical intent of the poster is obvious. How strange when one knows that humorist Patrick Sébastien, when he mocked Jean-Marie Le Pen by singing, made up as the latter, a song with ludicrous racist lyrics, was condemned for hate speech: parody was no excuse for the humorist.

But the court also says that the poster “falls within the public debate of general interest,” as a political message, and is therefore permissible. This has nothing to do with the fact that the content is insulting, that is, had the court only had the content in view, the poster was punishable on its face. But the court thinks in different terms, so let me use a fiction and talk like a court for a moment. “Insults aggrieve the feelings of individuals but our Constitution prevents us from taking heed of Mr. Macron’s feelings. Had Mr. Macron wanted to spare his fragile feelings, he would have been well-advised not to look for the spotlights as a public figure. Politics is heated, major interests are at stake, and with interest goes passion. People passionately defend their views; therefore, a free public debate implies by constitutional necessity that politicians be less protected by law against speech than private persons. Mr. Flori, against whom Mr. Macron filed a complaint for insult, is an honest citizen who respects his neighbors, but Mr. Macron is not one of Mr. Flori’s neighbors, all private persons, Mr. Macron is a public figure whose decisions are a focal point of the public debate, and he must expect an amount of scrutiny and speech, polemical and other, uncommon with that legitimately expected by a private person. His using the courts as if he were a private person is vile lawfare aimed at stifling political opposition.”

(ii)

Nous passons au français, renonçant à faire comprendre aux personnes anglophones et formées au droit anglo-saxon le concept français d’outrage dont nous devons à présent discuter.

Dans l’affaire Flori, le Président de la République a porté plainte pour « injures publiques » (selon un article du Point du 13 décembre 2022, ce qui semble renvoyer à l’article 33 de la loi de 1881) et non pour « outrage à personne dépositaire de l’autorité publique » (article 433-5 du code pénal). Le Président a donc souhaité se présenter dans cette affaire comme un particulier et non comme représentant de l’État.

Le choix était-il permis ? C’est pourtant bien le Président de la République qui est représenté en Hitler. Il aurait donc fallu requalifier le chef d’accusation et passer de l’article 33 prévoyant une amende de 12.000 euros à l’article 433-5 prévoyant une amende d’un an d’emprisonnement et 45.000 euros d’amende. Il n’est pas du tout permis de voir dans le chef d’accusation le moins grave retenu pour la plainte une forme de mansuétude, puisque la justice a démontré, en cassation, que la plainte, les poursuites, les condamnations en première instance et en appel, tout cet appareil répressif mis en branle était outrageant pour M. Flori et l’ensemble des Français attachés à la liberté d’expression. Cette espèce de choix qui serait laissé aux victimes entre différents articles du code n’a guère de sens et fait de la justice un marché pour états mentaux quérulents. Les dispositions sur l’outrage sont expressément prévues pour distinguer les injures reçues par les uns et les autres, en aggravant celles reçues par certains citoyens, et ce n’est pas à la discrétion des victimes dès lors que l’injure est reçue « dans l’exercice ou à l’occasion de l’exercice » de la mission de la personne dépositaire. Le cas est évident quand le Président de la République est représenté sous les traits d’Adolf Hitler en vue de dénoncer le passe vaccinal, une politique publique conduite par le gouvernement français. Il n’existait donc aucune possibilité juridique pour le Président d’adopter un autre grief que l’outrage, même si l’outrage est facialement une injure publique comme celles prévues à l’article 33 de la loi de 1881, plus clément. Si l’injure publique et elle seule avait été condamnée, l’outrage serait resté impuni malgré l’intervention de la justice. – Le comble du cynisme serait de se servir des dispositions relatives à l’outrage pour donner le sentiment que l’appareil répressif est débonnaire en appliquant des dispositions moins sévères, celles relatives à l’injure, pour des faits identiques. Or les faits ne sont pas les mêmes selon les personnes visées, nous le répétons, puisqu’il existe dans notre droit un privilège des personnes dépositaires de l’autorité publique vis-à-vis de la parole de leurs concitoyens (qui ne sont pas en réalité leurs concitoyens, de ce fait, mais des sous-citoyens).

L’idée est que ce n’est pas seulement la personne qui est insultée mais aussi, et avant tout, sa fonction, l’outrage étant supposé être « de nature à porter atteinte à sa dignité ou au respect dû à la fonction dont elle est investie », selon les termes mêmes de l’article 433-5, c’est-à-dire que c’est l’État qui est insulté. L’État, c’est elle, c’est cette personne-là, et les autres comme elle. Car, s’agissant de la mention de la dignité, dans l’article, c’est du bavardage : toute injure est une atteinte à la dignité, que l’on soit représentant de l’État ou non, et ce bavardage n’a précisément d’autre but, caché, que d’écarter l’idée que nous venons d’effleurer, à savoir que le délit d’outrage est non pas une atteinte à la personne mais aux symboles de l’État, la personne étant revêtue d’un symbolisme qui la dépasse et dépasse ainsi sa dignité de personne (la dignité des personnes dénuées de symbolisme est à 12.000 euros, avec le symbolisme elle monte à un an de prison et 45.000 euros).

Or la Cour de cassation, dans son arrêt de décembre 2022, vient de balayer cette conception. Car comment concevoir que l’on ferme les yeux sur les contenus insultants avérés (à moins de supposer que le Président trouve flatteur de se voir comparé à Hitler) au nom du débat d’intérêt général, si cela ne signifie pas que les personnes dépositaires de l’autorité publique, du moins les élus, doivent être moins protégées que les particuliers, dont la victimisation par injures ne saurait se justifier par le débat d’intérêt général ? Comment cet arrêt pourrait-il ne pas détruire complètement en droit une conception vivante de l’outrage en ce qui concerne les politiciens ? (Et pourquoi seulement maintenant ?)

Il convient, revenant sur notre petite prosopopée de la justice en (i), de distinguer entre les politiciens, qui attirent la lumière des projecteurs sur eux du fait de leur engagement politique, et ceux qui attirent les projecteurs pour des accomplissements étrangers à la politique. En effet, un génie des mathématiques, par exemple, résolvant un problème difficile pourra certes attirer l’attention des médias pour cet accomplissement, sans que cela signifie pour autant qu’il ait recherché cette attention. Son statut de personne publique n’est donc pas le même exactement que celui du politicien dont le but et la vocation est d’être un représentant de l’État. Pour le premier, le statut de personne publique est obtenu par accident, tandis que c’est une qualité propre au second, une propriété de ce dernier. Le premier doit donc conserver une plus grande protection vis-à-vis de la parole d’autrui car il reste davantage une personne privée que le second, lequel est en réalité une personne publique dans ses moindres faits et gestes. Ce dernier point est bien sûr nié par le droit français, ce même droit qui pose le principe « l’État, c’est elle » pour les personnes élues (même si le délit d’outrage prévoit certes aussi les cas où l’élu pourrait être insulté à titre privé et non « dans l’exercice ou à l’occasion de l’exercice » de sa mission). Les politiciens font sciemment de leur vie privée un argument de marketing politique mais les lanceurs d’alerte qui dévoilent les mensonges nauséabonds ainsi servis à la crédulité du public sont encore traités en délinquants : voyez le Griveaux Gate, que nous avons déjà commenté ici (Twit28, février 2020).

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PHILO

Retour à de la philosophie : le texte qui suit peut compléter utilement le chapitre « Le kantisme devant la théorie de la relativité » (ici) de notre Apologie de l’épistémologie kantienne (dont le pdf est disponible en table des matières de ce blog).

« Les personnages de cette allégorie sont des figures géométriques : triangles isocèles, carrés, polygones, cercles… Dans leur monde plat, en deux dimensions, ces figures sont très hiérarchisées et ont des coutumes et des croyances bien ancrées. Aussi, quand un modeste carré doté d’une conscience découvre la troisième dimension lors de l’apparition soudaine et invraisemblable d’une sphère, on crie à l’hérésie. Tout à la fois critique de la rigidité de la société victorienne et texte fondateur de la science-fiction, Flatland aborde la question troublante de la possibilité d’une quatrième dimension spatiale. » (Introduction à Flatland d’Edwin A. Abbott)

Ceci est un enfantillage, cette parabole où des figures planes ont des « traditions bien ancrées » et qui crient « à l’hérésie » est un moyen facile et même grossier de se faire passer pour les Lumières contre je ne sais quel obscurantisme. Cependant, nous ne parlons pas au nom de la tradition mais de la philosophie, en l’occurrence au nom du concept d’expérience possible. Le nombre de dimensions, le tesseract, l’hypersphère sont des « outils mathématiques » : il reste encore un pas à franchir, celui de montrer que ce sont des objets physiques, si l’on entend décrire avec ces outils mathématiques des objets physiques, c’est-à-dire, plus précisément, si l’on entend décrire des structures réelles du monde sous la forme de ces choses.

En admettant que notre entendement soit réellement dépourvu du sens de dimensions surnuméraires réelles, cette réalité n’est pas celle de la physique possible pour nous, et cette limitation n’est pas comme celle de la vue et des autres sens, qui peut être élargie par la technologie (le microscope, etc.), mais c’est une limitation a priori qui ne se laisse corriger par aucune expérience possible, par aucune technique. Mathématiquement, il est possible de poser autant de dimensions que l’on veut, comme on veut, mais cela se fait dans un ensemble abstrait qui n’est pas l’espace physique. L’univers de la théorie des cordes est lui-même un outil mathématique ; en admettant que l’on puisse, sur le fondement de cette théorie à vingt-six dimensions, faire des prédictions justes quant à l’univers physique à trois dimensions, ce qui reste à voir, cela n’impliquerait pas encore que cette théorie parle de l’univers physique, de la même manière que les nombres négatifs ne veulent jamais dire que « moins trois oranges » est quelque chose de physique.

L’invasion mathématique du physique, quand on perd de vue le caractère d’instrumentalité non signifiante de l’outil, est fatale à la pensée, comme dans l’introduction à Flatland. Nous ne sommes pas des figures géométriques à trois dimensions incapables de concevoir des dimensions surnuméraires existant réellement, car notre réel, la nature physique, a trois dimensions et, s’il existait un espace réel ayant plus de trois dimensions, il pourrait tout aussi bien ne respecter aucun des autres principes fondamentaux des mathématiques par lesquels nous décrivons scientifiquement la nature, c’est-à-dire que l’on n’en pourrait jamais rien dire ni rien savoir.

Nous devons donc reprendre les termes mêmes d’un des savants aux travaux de qui l’on doit un surcroît de fantaisie déplorable en philosophie, Heisenberg, pour calmer les esprits ayant cette pente. Heisenberg rappelle ceci : « « La phrase : ‘√-1 existe’ ne signifie rien d’autre que : ‘Il existe des corrélations mathématiques importantes qui peuvent être représentées de la façon la plus simple par l’introduction du concept √-1.’ Bien entendu, les corrélations existent tout aussi bien si l’on n’introduit pas ce concept. C’est ce qui permet d’employer très utilement, du point de vue pratique, ce genre de mathématiques dans la science et la technique. Par exemple, en théorie des fonctions, il est très important de noter l’existence de certaines lois mathématiques qui se réfèrent à des couples de paramètres pouvant varier de façon continue. Ces corrélations deviennent plus faciles à comprendre en formant le concept abstrait √-1, bien que ce concept ne soit pas fondamentalement nécessaire à la compréhension, et bien qu’il ne soit pas relié aux nombres naturels. » Il n’est pas question ici de physique mais cette mise au point sur « l’existence » des nombres imaginaires est importante : tout ce qui est facialement paradoxal, c’est-à-dire contre l’expérience possible, en mathématiques est paradoxal seulement à titre d’instrumentalité non signifiante en soi. Heisenberg voyait bien que l’existence des nombres imaginaires avait un sens restreint, mais une intuition comparable manque à certains, qui se mettent alors à délirer sur ce qu’est la nature, laquelle est indissolublement liée aux limitations a priori de notre intellect.

Comme nous avons un chiffre pour les dimensions de l’espace, 3, et comme nous avons une échelle des chiffres, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5…, le mouvement « Et si l’espace avait plus de trois dimensions ? » est naturel et quasi spontané (pourquoi pas, également, un nombre infini de dimensions ?) ; mais nous avons trois dimensions pour l’espace et ce chiffre est immuable dans notre expérience. Ce n’est pas une mesure, on ne le raffine pas, on ne peut dire :  « l’espace a très exactement 3,14115… dimensions », ce n’est pas le chiffre d’un objet de mesure quelconque. Les dimensions surnuméraires sont un outil non signifiant physiquement, dont l’usage, si l’on souhaite le tolérer, exige une traduction en termes physiques acceptables, à terme, au cas où cet usage aurait des résultats prédictifs avérés.