Lessons in Law 9: Crack Hill

English language and a pinch of French.

Crack Hill

There’s been a crack pandemic in Paris, France, these last years, with an area now known as Crack Hill (la colline du crack) in the North-Eastern parts of the city. Neighbors talking of a “hell,” a “nightmare,” and other such words has become commonplace. Authorities are pouring millions of taxpayer money in a so-called crack plan doing nothing but distributing under police surveillance new crack pipes every Thursday to the 1,500 crackheads (they know the numbers!) who roam on Crack Hill and paying for 400 hotel rooms for crackheads.

Thus, the bureaucracy’s sole policy is to prevent the crackheads’ habit from turning them into blood felons, with the result that they will remain an endless source of unpunished misdemeanors and lower-key felonies, an everlasting nightmare for the neighborhood. – This in a country where the numbers of police officers per inhabitant are extremely high (340 for 10,000 inhabitants, that is, one officer for 294 people, according to Wikipedia).

*

« Le Gilet jaune Jérôme Rodrigues relaxé » (Le Parisien 7/3/21) : une bonne nouvelle, bien que je ne comprenne pas le jugement. Rodrigues avait traité de « bande de nazis » des membres d’un syndicat policier et le ministre de l’intérieur avait saisi la justice pour injures. Le juge dit que les propos « visaient non l’ensemble des policiers mais les méthodes de certains d’entre eux » et que le syndicat « ne se confond pas avec l’administration publique qu’est la police nationale ». Oui et alors ? Rodrigues était poursuivi pour injures et non pour diffamation envers un corps constitué (la police nationale), donc le fait que les propos ne visaient pas le corps mais certains membres de ce corps ne disculpe pas en soi de l’injure.

La question est de savoir si traiter les gens de « nazis » est une injure. Or comment cela ne serait-il pas une injure alors que la loi française condamne pénalement l’idéologie nazie et que donc un nazi est un hors-la-loi ; si traiter quelqu’un de voleur est une injure, traiter quelqu’un de nazi est forcément une injure, qui doit être condamnée en tant que telle. Il est donc évident que le ministère public ou le ministre auteur de la plainte va faire appel et a bien des chances de gagner, suite à un jugement sans queue ni tête (du moins tel que rapporté par le journal). Le calvaire de Jérôme Rodrigues est loin d’être fini. « Allez en dictature »…

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The “shield” for “extremist” views is the First Amendment

The Wikipedia page ‘Gab’ (an internet platform) says: “Gab claims that it promotes free speech and individual liberty, though these statements have been criticized as being a shield for its alt-right and extremist ecosystem.” Under American law an “alt-right ecosystem” has no need of a shield, its shield is the law (First Amendment), so the critics alluded to are irrelevant unless the problem is the very shield American law offers alt-right ideas, that is, the problem is free speech.

The construction “Gab claims… though” is objectionable; there can be no “though” here, free speech is indeed what it is all about. When one creates a business for money laundering, as money laundering is illegal, then the business is a “shield.” Therefore, as alt-right views are shielded by the First Amendment, describing Gab as a “shield” is libelous.

It strikes one as odd, given First Amendment law, that some Americans, like the author(s) of this Wikipedia page, seem to have been raised in a European legal environment where freedom of speech exists only for what the powers that be allow and everything they label extremist is doomed to endless persecution.

ii

Finnish minister says sexist online comments about female politicians is a “threat to democracy.”

The utterance is even more ominous when one thinks that under Finnish democratic law derogatory comments on public figures such as elected officials might be prosecutable and severely punished. I am not saying this is the case, as I don’t know Finnish law, but that wouldn’t surprise me given the state of the law in my and several other continental European countries that I know.

iii

Pro-liberty Skidmore students blocked from creating a club after “cancel mob” organized against them.

Before cancel culture there’s the heckler’s veto, a cancel mob is a heckling mob. I don’t know how a “Student Government Association,” which blocked the club’s creation under pressure of a heckling mob, relates to government, if at all, in free speech law (any form of government support would suffice) but the doctrine about heckling is: “the core concern … is that allowing the suppression of speech because of the discontent of the opponents provides the perverse incentive for opponents to threaten violence rather than to meet ideas with more speech.” (mtsu.edu) Link

iv

Instagram deletes post of President Biden falling up the stairs under its “violence and incitement” policy.

MSNBC analyst says Biden falling meme could incite violence.

They expect him to fall a lot. Joe Biden has been would-be candidate for POTUS for 35 YEARS. Here’s what Robert H. Bork wrote for year 1987: “Senator Biden’s presidential aspirations came to a sudden end, probably for all time. The campaign staff of Governor Michael Dukakis gave the press videotapes demonstrating that Biden had plagiarized speeches by other politicians such as Britain’s Neal Kinnock. In addition, the press learned that Biden had misrepresented his law school record. As the damaging facts began to pile up, Biden at first tried to explain and finally had to hold a press conference at which he withdrew as a candidate for his party’s nomination.” (The Tempting of America, 1990)

For a discussion of Robert Bork’s ideas, see Lesson 8.

v

‘It started with words,’ so free speech is not okay?

vi

Biden appointee Timothy Wu once questioned whether the First Amendment was “obsolete,” has questionable free speech views.

A fair statement would be that all elected officials and their appointees have questionable free speech views, because a political class will always want to mutate into a political cartel, which requires speech control and suppression, so the condition for free speech is a truly independent judicial power and irremovable judges, something that apparently does not exist in this world except the USA. Do not make as if Republican majorities had unquestionable free speech views: the many anti-BDS laws, which will be struck down one after the other, and the sooner the better, are a recent example of the tendency.

vii

Force is the one thing we’re not allowed to advocate.

The First Amendment does allow one to advocate force. “Advocacy of illegal conduct” is protected speech, what is not protected is “incitement to imminent lawless action” (Brandenburg v. Ohio), the word to emphasize here being “imminent.” Case law explains that, for speech to be unprotected, the lawless action it advocates must not only be imminent but also likely to follow from speech. I argue that there is an intrinsic impossibility for online speech to be incitement to imminent action; the law is aimed at speech “brigaded with action,” that is, speech to and from among a mob prone to act, or, in the classic example, shouting fire in a crowded theater.

I am surprised that a former shareowner of a platform, namely Parler, is raising funds for his legal counsel in view of a Congress hearing about the platform’s responsibility for the Capitol storming. It looks like rogue intimidation. I question the legality of any step by the legislator that compels private citizens to legal counsel expenses. The judiciary, not the legislative, is the power that examines particular responsibilities.

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Is there rationality in the affirmation that as blacks make a disproportionate part of prison inmates in America the American society is racist? Looking at the figures of wealth beside the figures of prison inmates, one finds consistence across the two sets, that is, the less wealthy group is also the group with disproportionate numbers of prison inmates, which makes perfect sense on the merely economic and sociological level as poverty is ridden with deprivation and incentives to illegal conduct. As it is to be sociologically expected that crime be more rampant in poor neighborhoods than in wealthy ones, it is also to be expected that blacks have more prison inmates, as the figures show they are poorer in the main. Therefore, although the affirmation according to which the society is racist can be inferred from prison inmates figures is hardly challenged because of the fear the challenge could be construed as a claim that blacks are intrinsically (genetically) more criminal as a race, in fact there exists an entirely economic cause for criminal figures.

This shifts attention to the cause of economic inequalities, as one might then ask if there is something intrinsic to racial groups that some thrive more and some thrive less in the economy. If inequalities in prison figures can be inferred from wealth group status, the latter cannot be inferred away, so to speak.

The antiracist idea is that, given equal opportunities, all racial groups must and would equally thrive in the economy. So, as there are economic differences between racial groups, it must be that the society does not give equal opportunities to all and this because it is racist. Thus, the American society is to be called racist as long as each racial group does not have the same proportions of wealth and poverty as the global average, that is, as long as they are not all the same in terms of wealth. That this can and will result from the free market is, I am sure, what no one among Americans truly believes, so the fact that Americans keep talking of their economy as a free-market economy, having at the same time an antiracist agenda, is questionable.

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As you know, ex-post-facto legislation is expressly prohibited by the US constitution.

(On the eve of the sesquicentennial of Ohio’s Statehood in 1953 it was discovered that while the Ohio constitution had been ratified, the territory of Ohio was never formally admitted to the union. President Eisenhower made a joke about Ohio state officials drawing salaries under false pretenses and then had congress RETROACTIVELY ratify Ohio’s statehood.)

In its purity the principle holds in criminal law only, but such a construction may be argued to be unconstitutional indeed: “Thomas Jefferson described them [ex post facto laws] as ‘equally unjust in civil as in criminal cases.’ Over the years, however, when deciding ex post facto cases, the United States Supreme Court has referred repeatedly to its ruling in Calder v. Bull, in which Justice Samuel Chase held that the prohibition applied only to criminal matters, not civil matters, and established four categories of unconstitutional ex post facto laws.” (Wikipedia) Like Jefferson I see no reason why the principle should be limited to criminal law, because even if ignoring the principle must be particularly dramatic in criminal law it doesn’t mean such neglect is benign in other legal domains.

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Multipartyism is a corrupt form of people’s government

Multipartyism is a corrupt form of people’s government. The point is to bring no more than two platforms to the electorate’s choice because that’s the only way to ensure that the elected majority will apply the electoral platform rather than coalition pacts bargained behind closed doors between various elected parties. The platform itself is the result of primaries so what Perot and others do as third parties could well be done in the frame of one or the other party. In multipartyism parties run for platforms they know they will amend behind closed doors the very day after election day! That is, if no party gets absolute majority (50 percent or more of the votes, that is, of the seats). With two parties competing one will get absolute majority, but with more than two parties competing absolute majorities are exceptional and coalition pacts must be reached between parties to form majority governments. Where absolute majorities are not exceptional one may talk of a de facto bipartisan system.

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La différence entre un Français et un Américain, c’est que l’un chante « Aux armes » et que l’autre a le droit de porter des armes. « Vous chantiez, j’en suis fort aise… »

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On Legalizing Polygamy

Polygamy is as good as nonexistent in the Arab Gulf states: “Today, because of higher standards of education and additional leisure time to spend, compatible spouses are more desired. This issue also contributed to the almost complete eradication of polygamy in Gulf. Although permitted under Islam, the custom even in the past was rarely practiced. Often women include specific paragraphs in their marriage contract prohibiting the husband from taking a second wife.” (Article Marriage, in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf Arab States Today: An Encyclopedia of Life in the Arab States, Maisel & Shoup ed., 2009)

The phrasing is ambiguous. “Eradication” would not make one expect the following sentence: “the custom even in the past was rarely practiced.” Because if it was rarely practiced in the past, then it was already “eradicated,” in the sense that it was rare already, and the conclusion is that the custom is as uncommon today as it was in the past, so there has been no change, and certainly no eradication. The situation was and is that only the wealthiest men, typically of ruling families, had and have multiple wives. Besides, this “monopoly” must by necessity be consolidated by the rent economy, as one fails to see how individual males depending on the state for their income would be allowed several wives without the state correspondingly increasing their income, which would be perceived as unwarranted by the rest of males, whereas coming from the free market this kind of perception does not obtain.

So, one point for allowing polygamy is that it would remain uncommon anyway, as it was and is in the Gulf states.

ii

In an online summary of Edward Dutton’s book Why Islam Makes You Stupid… But Also Means You’ll Conquer the World (2020), I find Dutton includes among the reasons why Islam makes one stupid… and likely to conquer the world… polygamy. But on this he’s wanting on the side of sociological data, as polygamy is hardly more practiced by Muslims than by others. I have already written on the issue on this blog (here), warning against assuming that the legality of polygamy translates into high degrees of polygyny, as the figures in fact show that polygyny is high in sub-Saharan countries (not all Muslim) and the Caribbeans (where polygamy is illegal).

How can Muslim polygamy, i.e., the legal acceptance or toleration of it can be a factor of stupidity if it does not translate into major differences with countries where it is prohibited? That’s the same as saying that I would become dumber by tolerating my neighbor’s using intoxicants, without using them myself, as the dumbing effect (if there’s any) of intoxicants is limited to the user and does not extend to the one who tolerates it.

Therefore, when in the recent French bill against ‘separatism,’ commentators and, in the travaux préparatoires and debates, the legislators themselves conflate Islam with issues that are in fact connected with the culture of sub-Saharan migrants, be them from Muslim communities or not, namely polygamy and female genital cutting (same as with polygamy female circumcision predates Islam and has been maintained in whole communities, Islamic or not), they are mistaken or prejudiced, because in Africa said practices are no more Islamic than, say, animistic.

iii

Of course, it does not make sense to speak of an Islamic tolerance for polygamy, as the Prophet of Islam had several wives. Another word must be used to convey the idea that it is a good thing that at least some men have multiple wives even though almost all of them will have only one, as it probably turned out to be the case throughout the history of Islam in its main centers.

iv

Polygyny can take many forms. No one really has to relinquish it in a state where polygamy is not allowed and only the legal institution of it does not exist; a polygynous man can adapt to any legal system, find arrangements within the law, for instance as to heirloom etc., and I fail to see what obstacles there are to de facto polygyny in the West. The French legislator thinks he has adopted measures just now (the bill I have been briefly discussing in ii) to prevent de facto polygyny in France but this will only serve to make the bureaucracy still more intolerably intrusive in people’s lives. They can never think out of that box, it’s always more bureaucratic control, as readers of Tocqueville know.

The classic work of sociological literature, The Children of Sanchez, may be described as a case depiction of polygyny in Mexico. Sanchez, a restaurant waiter (I wouldn’t call that high status– and Lewis’s book is about the “culture of poverty” –, although evolutionary psychology, EP, tends to associate polygyny with high status), had several wives and children in various barrios of Mexico City, sharing his earnings between all of them, and all of them living in misery. – Polygyny is not legal in Mexico. Would Mexican authorities make it legal, they would adjust the legal system to the reality of their country. A migrant to Mexico from a country where polygyny is legal, would still think polygyny is permissible there, albeit not legal. By practicing it, he would conform to a Mexican reality and couldn’t be accused to be a cause of disruption. (In the U.S., what would be disruptive is the same migrant’s will to live in a nucleus family of single wife and children, as the de facto model is communal child-rearing under Amazons’ control. Wait and see.)

v

An alternative to the form of consociationalism here advocated for the Western world may be the American constitutional theory as exposed by Supreme Court judges: “We are not an assimilative, homogeneous society, but a facilitative, pluralistic one, in which we must be willing to abide someone else’s unfamiliar or even repellant practice because the same tolerant impulse protects our own idiosyncrasies. … In a community such as ours, ‘liberty’ must include the freedom not to conform. ” Justice Brennan, on Michael H. v. Gerald D. 1989. That may make America sound pretty much liberal, but I still perceive it is more conservative than continental Europe (it is no accident, by the way, that of all European countries the UK left the EU), where they have got authoritarian liberalism whereas in the States it remains PC (political correctness) liberalism.

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Kierkegaard Against ‘Christendom’

Isn’t it astonishing that one would need a “school of intelligence,” Epicureanism, to “contend” that we ought to look for pleasure? Is it something people need be told or rather they needn’t be told that they like and want pleasure more than displeasure? Kierkegaard is talking through me right now: He strongly objected to Christianity turning into a form of Epicureanism, with the indicting question: What is the point of making eternal bliss dependent upon what people want in this life? If the good life that leads to eternal bliss is what everybody wants without being told, namely a comfy pleasurable existence, then there was no need to warn them of eternal damnation. ‘Christendom,’ that is, Christianity as Epicureanism, is nonsense.

A call to a pleasurable life has no meaning except as opposition to the thought of an afterlife or a supernatural order of things, as ‘superstitious beliefs’ (in Epicurus’s words) can hinder one’s correct conduct on the way to a pleasurable life, leaving aside the question that the obstacles are also in the very craving for pleasure as it is more often than not self-contradictory and requires a method, a guidance which Epicurus proposed to delineate (with what success?). – Precisely because of Epicureanism’s rejection of superstition, the grounds are lacking for Christianity to be an Epicureanism, that is, to be of this world. This life is ultimately about winning the afterlife, not about making life comfy. For the latter one needs Epicureanism but for one who heeds the warning from beyond Epicureanism is miserable blindness. One cannot reconcile both views, and this is the reason Christendom is anti-Christian. The idea that the routine observance of sacraments, received from priests, moreover, who are in nothing different from their herd except that they have a MORE pleasurable life than most of them (in terms of wealth –being high functionaries of the state in the Scandinavian Lutheran churches– and good name and family life and leisure and so on), is what a Christian life is about, is appalling when one thinks, like Kierkegaard, about it.

When asked how to live the good life, the clergyman in Christendom might answer: “Be in my shoes.” Hinting not as much as to what is to be done as a Christian, as to a collective situation where the good life is partly inherited (the bishop is the bishop’s son) and partly the result of worldly shrewdness that has nothing to do with Christian teachings and everything with an Epicurean quest for pleasure, including the pleasure to slit others’ throats (metaphorically speaking, at least, that is, as there are in the state church x or y bishop tenures then you’ll get x or y incumbents and the other candidates will be failures). Ultimately, the guidance for Epicureanism is how to make this school of intelligence compatible with a state of things where people are not at each other’s throats all the time. We all know we want our pleasure and we all have some notions of how to get it (although our pleasures conflict with each other too), and yet it happens more often than not that our pleasure must depend on an object that we don’t own.

Last but not least, Epicurus wrote for a leisure class that doesn’t exist any longer. His thinking must be thus qualified that it answers the question of how to be happy with so much time on our hands, surrounded by slaves working for us, whereas in many cases we are not even able to secure the least bit of free time in our existence nowadays. So, talking of Epicureanism to today’s public is like telling them “there were better days, you know.” Carpe diem, pluck the day, usually summarizes Epicureanism in a nutshell. Carpe diem makes sense if I can say the day is mine, if I am no flotsam, floating with the stream or winds of the workday from morning till night, with no direction but that of the steady flow. Floating is not what the vessel but its wreck does.

ii

A few quotes from Kierkegaard’s Articles to The Fatherland and The Instant (from Attack Upon ‘Christendom’, translator Walter Lowrie, Princeton University Press, Tenth Printing 1991)

Articles in The Fatherland

28 the impudent fudge about Christianity being perfectible

35 in Protestantism, especially in Denmark, Christianity marches to a different melody, to the tune of «Merrily we roll along, roll along, roll along» – Christianity is enjoyment of life, tranquillized, as neither the Jew nor the pagan was, by the assurance that the thing about eternity is settled, settled precisely in order that we might find pleasure in enjoying this life, as well as any pagan or Jew.

37 I am not a Christian severity as opposed to a Christian leniency. By no means. I am neither leniency nor severity: I am… a human honesty.

38 as soon as the Christian requirement of poverty is brought to bear, family is a luxury

The Instant

110 Imagine that a man with a loaded pistol stepped up to a person and said to him, «I’ll shoot you dead,» or imagine something still more terrible, that he were to say, «I’ll seize upon your person and torture you to death in the most dreadful manner, if you do not (now be on the watch, for here it comes)…make your own life here on earth as profitable and enjoyable as you possibly can.» This surely is the most comical speech; for to bring that about one really does not need to threaten with a loaded pistol and the most amazing kind of death; perhaps neither the loaded pistol nor the most agonizing kind of death would avail to prevent it. And so it is here: by the dread of eternal punishment (frightful menace!), by the hope of an eternal blessedness, to want to bring about…yes, to bring about what we are (…) that we may live as we most like to live–for to refrain from civil crimes is nothing but plain shrewdness.

165 If in the natural man there is any instinct so strong as the instinct of self-preservation, it is the instinct for the propagation of the race, which therefore Christianity tried to cool off, teaching that it is better not to marry, yet, if worse comes to worst, it is better to marry than to burn. But in «Christendom» the propagation of the race has become the serious business of life, together with Christianity; and the priest (this epitome of nonsense enveloped in long robes), the priest, the teacher of Christianity, of the Christianity of the New Testament, has even got his income fixed in proportion to his activity in promoting the propagation of the race, getting a definite amount for each child.

183 So there is a difference as wide as the earth, as wide as heaven, between the Mynsterish [Bishop Mynster’s] life-view (which properly is Epicureanism, enjoyment of life and the lust for life, belonging to this world) and the Christian view, which is that of suffering, of enthusiasm for death, belonging to the other world; yea, there is such a difference between these two life-views that the latter (if it were taken seriously, and not at the very most expressed rarely in a quiet hour) must appear to Bishop Mynster as a kind of madness.

185 By indifferentism one commonly understands having no religion at all. But resolutely and definitely to have no religion at all is something passionate, and so is not the most dangerous sort of indifferentism. Hence too it occurs rather rarely.

189 I am unable to endure this thought [«The situation is this: the more thou hast to do with God, and the more He loves thee, the more thou wilt become, humanly speaking, unhappy for this life, the more thou wilt have to suffer in this life»], and therefore merely investigate this true definition of what it is to become a Christian, whereas for my part I help myself to endure sufferings by a much easier thought, one which is Jewish, not in the highest sense Christian, the recognition that I suffer for my sins.

190 And only by the help of this canst thou see that the Christianity of the New Testament does not exist, that the little religiousness there is in the land is at the very most…Judaism.

205 [Christianity] that religion precisely which extols the single state.

215 man is reduced to insignificance by marriage

223 Christianly it is egoism in the highest degree that because a man and a woman cannot control their lust another being must therefore sigh, perhaps for seventy years, in this prisonhouse and vale of tears, and perhaps be lost eternally.

263 And inflexibly as the human race stands up for its will to punish, to punish even by death, those who are not willing to be like the others, just so firmly does eternity stick to its purpose of punishing with eternal perdition those who are tranquillized by being like the others.

281 Worldly shrewdness is eternally excluded, despised and abhorred, as things are in heaven, more than all vices and crimes, because in its nature it of all things most belongs to this wretched world, and most of all is remote from having anything to do with heaven and the eternal. [Shrewdness=Klugheit (Kant)]

Poésie de Solentiname : Nicaragua sandiniste

Quand les Sandinistes renversèrent le dictateur Somoza au Nicaragua en 1979, le poète Ernesto Cardenal, prêtre de la paroisse de Solentiname et qui avait combattu au sein de la guérilla, accepta le poste de ministre de la culture.

Les poèmes qui suivent sont tirés d’un recueil publié par le ministère sandiniste en 1981 et intitulé Poesía campesina de Solentiname (Poésie rurale [paysanne] de Solentiname) (Ministerio de Cultura, Nicaragua, No. 4 Colección popular de literatura nicaragüense, dans la 3e édition de 1985), choix de poèmes et prologue par Mayra Jiménez.

Cette anthologie rassemble des poèmes tirés des « ateliers de poésie » (talleres de poesía) organisés par Ernesto Cardenal et Mayra Jiménez à Solentiname, un archipel d’îles sur le lac Nicaragua. C’est donc une poésie de paysans, une poésie populaire (mais rompant aussi avec des formes plus traditionnelles car les ateliers visaient à la production d’une littérature écrite et non orale, dans une versification libre détachée des bouts-rimés de chansonnette qui marquaient l’oralité rurale de l’époque). Ce genre d’ateliers furent, sous le nouveau ministère, étendus dans le pays, et d’autres recueils publiés, notamment une anthologie de poésie de l’armée sandiniste (dont j’espère faire de prochaines traductions).

La présente anthologie rassemble des textes écrits avant la révolution de 1979 et pendant la lutte armée contre la dictature. Le thème de la lutte révolutionnaire est fortement présent, et dans son prologue la poétesse Mayra Jiménez rend hommage à Felipe Peña, Elvis Chavarría et Dónald Guevara, les trois poètes dont les œuvres ouvrent l’anthologie, en tant que martyrs de la révolution, morts au moment où l’anthologie était publiée.

Ceux qui ont lu mes traductions de « Poésie révolutionnaire nicaraguayenne » (ici), d’après une anthologie de poésie du Nicaragua par Ernesto Cardenal, reconnaîtront le nom de Bosco Centeno. J’ai traduit ici quelques autres poèmes de ce poète attachant, qui figure à la fois dans la présente anthologie tirée des ateliers de poésie et dans la grande anthologie poétique nationale établie par Cardenal.

Les poètes ici traduits sont Felipe Peña (2 poèmes), Elvis Chavarría (3), Dónald Guevara (1), Bosco Centeno (4), Gloria Guevara (3), Iván Guevara (3), Alejandro Guevara (1), Myriam Guevara (1) et Olivia Silva (2).

À Solentiname, Cardenal organisa également, avec l’aide d’amis peintres, des ateliers de peinture et l’archipel est aujourd’hui fameux dans le monde de l’art pour sa peinture « naïve ».

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Blanca, je suis triste (Blanca estoy triste) par Felipe Peña

Blanca, je suis triste.
Ce soir le soleil ne brille pas comme hier.
À cause de ton absence, de moi s’emparent
l’accablement, le silence et la mélancolie.
Hier tu étais là et horrifiée
tu me racontais comment les soldats de Somoza
assassinèrent ta mère et ton frère William
de quinze ans
et comment les vautours
là où les cadavres furent laissés descendaient et remontaient
comme les avions qui descendent et remontent
en lâchant des bombes.

*

Un bon chef (Un buen dirigente) par Felipe Peña

Je fis ta connaissance au mois de septembre
dans une colonne de 35 hommes de l’armée du peuple
tu marchais à l’arrière avec la camarade Marta et moi.
Ton pseudonyme était Martin.
Tu commandais la colonne avec le Tapir
ce dernier expert en déplacements dans les montagnes du Nicaragua
dirigeant la marche.
Nous nous reposions à l’ombre de quelques arbres à l’épaisse frondaison
rencontrés en gravissant une des collines.
Nous, à l’arrière, arrivions quand j’entendis le Tapir crier :
ne vous laissez pas voir des avions.
Son cri me surprit
je tentai de courir et tombai.
Un autre groupe de camarades avait conduit une petite attaque contre le commandement
de Peñas Blancas le matin même
et l’aviation bombardait la zone.
Nous entendions les rockets éclater à quatre cents mètres.
On donna l’ordre d’avancer.
J’étais caché par les roseaux.
Nous sortîmes dans une prairie
dont l’herbe nous montait jusqu’aux genoux
et les avions passaient tout près.
Je criai de colère : c’est de la folie, on nous fait sortir de nos abris
et nous voilà complètement exposés. Et toi, Martin, tu crias : n’ayez pas peur,
quand l’avion passe baissez-vous et ne bougez pas.
Courant et nous accroupissant alternativement nous parvînmes à la rivière
Là tu enlevas tes chaussures et voyant notre désespoir
tu dis tranquillement :
si une bombe nous tombe dessus on s’en ira
mais personne ne va courir.
Nous restâmes jusqu’à quatre heures de l’après-midi. À six heures nous arrivâmes
à une ferme que tu nous donnas l’ordre d’occuper.
Je fus inquiet et te demandai timidement :
nous n’allons pas faire de mal à ces gens ?
Tu répondis d’un ton catégorique : NON.
Tu achetas un cochon et deux poules.
La nuit était pluvieuse
nous couchions là où dormaient les poules.
Le camarade Astuce tremblait de fièvre
et nous n’avions pas de couvertures.
La nuit suivante nous retournâmes sur nos pas
l’attaque du commandement de Rivas étant impossible.
Sur la route un soldat te fit prisonnier
et tu fus déporté au Panama
jusqu’à ce que je te revisse au camp
dirigeant les manœuvres de cinq à six heures du matin
et le soir organisant des discussions politiques.
Je me souviens que par ton intervention on ne me changea pas de camp.
Et puis je n’entendis plus parler de toi
jusqu’à ce que me vînt avec la nouvelle
de ta mort au combat contre l’armée du tyran
ton nom de prêtre Gaspar García Laviana1.
Quand je t’ai connu je ne savais pas que tu étais curé
pour moi tu étais un bon chef
dévoué corps et âme à la lutte du peuple.

1 Gaspar García Laviana : « Comandante Martín », prêtre d’origine espagnole et combattant du Front sandiniste de libération nationale (1941-1978). C’est ainsi une figure importante du mouvement qui est évoquée dans ce poème. La poésie de García Laviana fut le premier livre publié par le ministère sandiniste de la culture.

Gaspar vive…” Mémorial à Gaspar García Laviana, San Juan del Sur, Nicaragua. (Source: Adam Jones via flickr)

Cigales, passereaux, éperviers (Chicharras, güises, gavilanes) par Elvis Chavarría

Cigales, passereaux, éperviers
chantent à la tombée de la nuit.
Des perroquets passent en volant vers leur chambrée
là-bas sur une colline.
C’est la nuit.
Engoulevents, chouettes, grenouilles, grillons ;
un héron tigré et son cantique rauque.
Alberto dans sa ferme dit : Il va faire sec.
La nuit se passe tranquillement.
Au matin
les trilles des oiseaux.
Juan dit : Compère, avez-vous entendu cette nuit chanter le héron ?
– Oui, compère. – Alors il ne faut pas semer.

*

San Carlos par Elvis Chavarría

L’eau tombe sur les toits rongés.
Une vieille dit : poisson frit, poisson frit.
Des chiens, des chats, des cochons dans la rue très sale.
Une voiture à bras avec une petite cloche, et un vieux :
allez, allez, les bons cônes de glace.
Cantines, barbiers, salles de billard,
stations d’essence, épiceries, lupanars.
Hirondelles, moucherons, mouches, puanteur,
marché, puanteur, marché, excréments,
puanteur, Somoza sur une affiche conchiée par les hirondelles.
Filets pleins : draps, chemises, pantalons, chemisiers,
les coups des lavandières : pon, pa, pon pa,
lessivant et encore lessivant.
Les quenettes, les pommes, les mangues, le fromage, le ragoût,
la pastèque, les boissons glacées, l’orgeat.
Encore le marché, encore des moucherons, des hirondelles,
encore des excréments, encore des affiches.

*

Nuit (Noche) par Elvis Chavarría

Une nuit très noire du mois de juillet.
On entend le chant triste d’un engoulevent.
Les scintillements de milliers de lucioles
ressemblent à ceux d’une grande ville.
Pourtant c’est une nuit à Solentiname.

*

Le troupeau (Los vacunos) par Dónald Guevara

Les bêtes courent, sautent, trépignent
tandis que le soleil réchauffe les champs.
Quand vient la nuit
elles se rassemblent toutes
formant une grande tache inerte.
Les jeunes mères lèvent les oreilles
et reniflent leurs veaux en les caressant de la langue.
Aux heures profondes de la nuit
l’adulte rumine les résidus de nourriture
qui restent dans son ventre allongé
tandis qu’il se repose de son épuisant va-et-vient.
Au matin les veaux meuglent
après leurs mères
dont la mamelle est au même moment comme une outre énorme
pleine d’eau,
les quatre pis lui donnant la forme
d’un grand vase indigène.
Le veau y colle son vilain mufle
caressant désespérément les pis
pleins de lait.
Quand l’outre énorme est vide
à force de succion et des coups
donnés par le veau de son front rondelet,
les pis tendus s’amenuisent
et deviennent comme des peaux
d’oranges vidées de leur jus.

*

Le loriot (La oropéndola) par Bosco Centeno

Le loriot sur
une branche d’arbre
picote affamé
la chair rouge
d’une pitaya ;
ma présence
interrompt son festin,
effrayé
il s’éloigne
                 en poussant un cri.

*

Le senzontle (El senzontle) par Bosco Centeno

Ndt. Le senzontle (ou, plus communément, cenzontle) est l’oiseau Mimus polyglottos, en français moqueur polyglotte.

Le senzontle joue sur une feuille de palmier
puis tout à coup s’envole vers le chant lointain d’une femelle
La palme continue de se balancer

*

Tyran, crains les poètes (Tenle miedo a los poetas tirano) par Bosco Centeno

Tyran, crains les poètes
car ni tes tanks Sherman
ni tes avions à réaction
ni tes bataillons de combat
ni ta police
ni ta Nicolasa2
ni quarante mille marines
ni tes rangers super-entraînés
ni même ton Dieu
ne pourront t’éviter que les poètes ne te fusillent dans l’Histoire.

2 Nicolasa : Nicolasa Sevilla Montes de Solórzano dirigeait des bandes de ruffians qui attaquaient les opposants au dictateur Somoza.

*

Frère soldat, pardon (Hermano guardia, perdoná) par Bosco Centeno

Ndt. Dans l’anthologie, les soldats de Somoza sont souvent appelés « gardes » (guardias), d’où le titre original de ce poème, car il s’agit d’une garde civile.

Frère soldat, pardonne-moi si je dois bien ajuster
mon tir pour t’abattre
mais de nos tirs dépendent les hôpitaux
et les écoles que nous n’avons pas eues,
où joueront tes enfants avec les nôtres.
Sache qu’ils justifieront nos tirs
mais que pour toi les faits seront
la honte de ta génération.

*

Le peuple dans la misère (El pueblo en miseria) par Gloria Guevara

J’étais en un lieu
où sont jetées toutes
les ordures des gens.

Et j’ai vu des enfants
avec de vieux sacs
qui les remplissaient de boîtes oxydées,
de souliers délabrés,
de morceaux de vieux carton.

Et des mouches entraient dans les sacs
et en ressortaient,
se posaient sur leurs têtes.

*

Le guérillero (El guerrillero) par Gloria Guevara

Toi qui as quitté la chaleur de ton foyer
pour chercher le véritable amour,

S’ils te tuent ta mort ne sera pas
en vain
car tu vivras dans la mémoire
du peuple.

*

L’alcoolisme (El alcoholismo) par Gloria Guevara

Je suis là entre les pierres et les ordures
puantes de mon village.
Mes vêtements sont usés et sales,
mes chaussures, finies.
J’ai mauvaise mine et sens mauvais,
tout le monde me regarde avec mépris.
Quand je suis ivre,
je chante et je crie.
Mes sœurs les mouches sont ma seule compagnie pendant le jour
Et la nuit les moustiques me sucent le sang.

*

À mon Nicaragua depuis l’exil (A mi Nicaragua desde el exilio) par Iván Guevara

Nicaragua, tu pleures, Nicaragua, comme une jeune fille abandonnée,
tu pleures, Nicaragua. Mais le jour n’est pas loin
où nous n’aurons plus à vivre dans l’exil ou la clandestinité
où ne circuleront plus en secret les tracts et les brochures.
Le jour viendra où ressusciteront des milliers de héros
encore inconnus du peuple.
Le jour viendra où nous pourrons crier en pleine rue
VIVE LE FRONT SANDINISTE

*

Après l’embuscade (Después de la emboscada) par Iván Guevara

L’obscurité tombe vite, il se met à pleuvoir et
les traces des guérilleros s’effacent.
La fatigue se fait sentir ;
la plaine qu’il faut traverser,
dans la boue et l’eau jusqu’à la ceinture, est vaste
et tout est obscur à présent, il n’y a pas d’étoiles dans le ciel ;
la colonne avance en silence.
Un seul guérillero pense encore écrire un poème.
Il continue de pleuvoir, les moustiques sortent des palmiers,
la faim et le rêve sont intenses. Je m’appuie un instant et
des épines me piquent et enflent mon corps.
On n’entend pas de coups de feu,
nous sommes déjà près du campement ;
l’ordre de repos est donné. Un camarade,
en fumant une cigarette, me demande :
Est-il vrai que tu sois poète ?

*

Sur la montagne (En la montaña) par Iván Guevara

Le vent souffle sur la montagne
où nous dressons un camp au bord d’une rivière
dont l’eau court et court
s’en va au loin et pourtant il y a toujours de l’eau ici dans la rivière.
Chemin qui ne peut dire aux soldats
d’où nous sommes venus et où nous allons ;
montagne, toi qui nous a vus dormir à même le sol
au pied d’un arbre à flanc de colline
toi aussi tu as ta loi
ainsi que le raconte la légende du cacique Nicarao ;
montagne, protège notre clandestinité,
garde nos secrets de guerre.

*

Les aigrettes (Las garzas) par Alejandro Guevara

Les grandes aigrettes
blanches, élégantes
qui pêchent tout le jour.
Elles protestent et parfois même se battent
quand une autre vient pêcher sur leur berge préférée.
Pour chaque sardine un voyage au nid
leur étroit estomac
est double
une partie pour leur nourriture et l’autre pour
le petit.

De loin une aigrette
peut être confondue avec la Vierge.

*

Les goyaves (Las guayabas) par Myriam Guevara

Celles couleur vert-bleu
sont tendres.
Les presque mûres sont vert clair.
Et les mûres sont
jaunes, et roses à l’intérieur.
Quand on touche la branche,
des guêpes noires se dispersent,
quittant les goyaves mûres piquées.

*

Les enfants de Marcos Joya (Los hijos de Marcos Joya) par Olivia Silva

Les enfants de Marcos Joya meurent faute de médicaments,
il n’y a pas d’école pour l’enfant de Ricardo Reyes,
et les vieux ne peuvent pas se nourrir
mais Somoza a les armes les plus modernes pour tuer.

*

À mes quatre fils dans la montagne (A mis cuatro hijos en la montaña) par Olivia Silva

Dans la montagne
ils n’ont pas de couvertures
avec leurs camarades
ils dorment à même le sol
l’herbe humide
dans les nuits d’hiver
mouille leurs corps fourbus ;
le petit déjeuner
ne leur arrive pas en hélicoptère
comme aux soldats.
Mais avec leur vie
ils donneront à d’autres au Nicaragua
les couvre-lits et le petit déjeuner.