Category: English

Law 38 The harmony of hate speech laws with state discrimination and prior censorship

EN-FR / July-August 2023

French President Macron suggests fines for parents of rioting youths. (Al Jazeera English, July)

As the journalist from Al Jazeera correctly says in this video, such fines would require a new law. But such a law would be unconstitutional because the general principle in French legislation is that you and no one else are criminally responsible for your acts. A fine is a criminal penalty, therefore a fine cannot ignore the principle; but a fine to parents of a criminal kid would ignore the principle. The possibility to engage parents’ responsibility in the trial of a minor already exists, actually, but it is a civil liability for torts, not a criminal responsibility for crimes, which it can never be according to the principle. The civil liability of parents can be claimed by victims, so the state itself could only claim it as a victim, if such a thing is conceivable at all, but not as a prosecuting and fine-imposing authority.

(Pour plus d’éléments en français à ce sujet, voyez Law 37, à « Émeutes et responsabilité du fait d’autrui ».)

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Lawmakers as Ballot-Grubbers

U.S. Lawmakers Warn Pro-Khalistan Forces; Lash Out At ‘Racist’ Attack On Indian Embassy. (Hindustan Times, July)

These U.S. congressmen are ridiculous; they are not judges, justice after wrongdoing is not their responsibility. Prosecution is not either. What are they talking about, then? There is nothing they can do, yet they are reported talking. Do they think Indians or Americans of Indian origin can be paid lip service and that is good enough? If their talking could have any kind of institutional leverage, that would be a breach of the separation of powers. And they cannot even pass a law against Hinduphobia specifically, for that would be legislative discrimination.

“I won’t tolerate, so vote for me.” You should vote for these people as judges, not as congressmen. As congressmen, they cannot pass laws that give extra protection to Indian consulates and other Indian interests in the U.S. They cannot target Khalistani militants either, as speech is constitutionally protected in the United States, including advocacy of violence and of other illegal conduct. All these congressmen are doing is slyly entertaining the unrealistic fancies of a communitarian lobby.

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The Industry of Defilement

Sex Scene Involving Bhagavad Gita Sparks ‘Hinduism Under Attack’ Debate In India. A scene in the movie shows Oppenheimer reading the Bhagavad Gita while having sex. Uday Mahurkar, Information Commissioner with the Government of India, questioned how the epic got certification with this scene. (Hindustan Times)

Against the approval by the Board of Film Certification of a profanatory scene, insulting religious feelings, made by degenerate and callous Westerners, the Information Commissioner has the right sense of duty. Besides, the scene in question is, according to Sec. 295 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), defilement of a sacred object in flagrante delicto. The film director and producers are subject to citizen’s arrest if they set foot on Indian soil: Any Indian citizen may arrest them and defer them to the police immediately.

Not only did the Board fail to bring this scene to the authorities’ attention for insult to religious feelings (a crime under Sec. 295 IPC), but it approved it. This scene is a crime in flagrante delicto, defilement of a sacred Hindu object by callous and dastardly felons. The penalty for these criminals is up to 4 years in prison. Change Indian law if you are not happy with it, but at this juncture the Indian administration is remiss for approving such heinous pestilence. The least we can ask of the authorities is that they apply the laws they have been elected to apply, since, in India as in Europe, the cancellation of such laws regarding speech is never on political platforms. I will see to it that they enforce the laws they are so fond of. You cannot blame a statesman for enforcing the law; you must blame those who do not, or you are against the rule of law.

“Sex isn’t a taboo or sin in Hinduism.” This is so naive. How can sex be taboo in monotheistic religions where it is said: “Procreate and populate the earth,” by this token? Is adultery allowed by Hinduism? Is flashing one’s genitals in the street with lecherous intent allowed by Hinduism? Is rape allowed? If these and others are interdicts, there is a notion of taboo. Obscenity and decency are far less cultural than one thinks.

Defilement of a sacred object is to use or represent it used for a purpose other than its legitimate religious use. This is why people who say that in Hinduism sex is not taboo are far off the mark anyway. If the Gita were represented as serving as a stool for a character to step on and reach an object in the higher parts of a cupboard, that would be another form of defilement although the character’s action is per se not sinful. Even if this use of the religious book as such would be permitted, the representation of such an action is defilement. They say the Gita is pressed by an actress against her naked bosom during a sex scene. In the stool example, using the book in this way in case of need may remain a private act, but a film made with such a scene would be prima facie defilement – even if using stools is not a sin – because it is intended by the film maker to have the book seen in such derision by all viewers. The malicious intent is obvious, this is derision. It has nothing to do with the sexual values contained in the book; this silly argument amounts to saying it is fine to urinate on people because urinating is not a sin.

At least the Indian authorities should summon the maker and producers to ask them what their intent was with this scene. The stool example: If a film showed a man stepping on his holy book to reach some object that saves his life, while praying for forgiveness, the message conveyed would be in conformity with faith. Here there is not a word from the source of speech as to their intent with using the Gita in this way. If they mean the Gita is erotic poetry designed by its makers to be read for arousal in sexual mystics, the authorities are still allowed to declare that the Gita is not such a prop according to the general understanding of the people, and that this answer is nothing but a bad excuse by callous and/or malicious unbelievers.

In the film’s trailer, the eponym character is called by another man a “womanizer.” One of this womanizer’s girlfriends or affairs, therefore, uses the Gita as a sex prop. What can be the message conveyed by this context? A womanizer’s extramarital affair is a woman of disrepute or scorn according to all moral standards we can think of. Therefore, the Gita is shown utilized by a morally dubious woman, perhaps some prostitute; this is a disreputable usage in conformity with the female’s disreputableness. Consequently, the Gita is shown defiled by some manic harlot, and this showing is itself defilement absent a consistent explanation, which the Indian authorities are due to ask according to Indian law.

– Watch the movie before jumping to conclusions.

Absolutely no need to watch this piece of trash to reach the proper conclusions from reliable reports. If I were to watch all contemptible movies before I make comments, I would be as much a supporter of these films, by patronizing theaters or platforms, as a detractor; therefore, the suggestion is extremely silly.

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Of Threats and Cowards

FBI Shoots Utah Man After Threat to Kill Biden, Craig Robertson Death Ammo For Trump Far-right Base? (Hindustan Times, Aug) – One user commented: “People think you can say anything on social media…a threat is a threat. I obviously don’t know the full circumstances but, if he pointed a weapon at an agent, then there was only going to be one outcome.”

A threat must be a “true threat,” or it is protected speech (First Amendment). Were the man’s threats true threats? A man giving a phone call to the white house saying “I am coming to assassinate the president” (John Andrew Bazor Jr’s words, according to the FBI) may be treated as a true threat, as per the law. A man venting his anger on the internet is exercising his freedom of speech. An FBI that cannot see the difference is an instrument of tyranny.

– The man had a plan to get camo and a sniper and try to take out the president. Seems like a valid threat.

What was the man’s age again? Do you know shooters of that age in active service? However, I feel there might be some “true threats,” in the technical sense, in the man’s writings, because of a crescendo of specifics, after the first FBI raid on his home. Clearly, he was incensed after the trampling of his constitutional freedom of speech by a petty bureaucracy, which led him to grief and insurrectional rhetoric. He had been provoked, his freedom of speech had been challenged by control freaks with badges, so he felt the need to assert his freedom in new, unprecedented ways (for decades of his life this man had never called attention on him with internet posts). Seeing the crescendo of specifics in the man’s posts, the FBI took it personally, they could not endure the verbal attacks. Now the man’s dead. This kind of dynamics would not happen under a good government. All in all, a fair trial would have cleared Craig Robertson, because he was provoked, his freedoms were challenged by a wicked administration.

It is a fact that the Biden administration is always talking of opponents as outlaws, and this challenge to constitutional liberties is a mistake that grants insurrectional speech a judicial blanket. To say nothing of the fact that a threat that no one can reasonably think can be carried out (fancying a 70 something, disabled sharpshooter, for instance) is never a true threat; in fact, people who call this a true threat show themselves as chicken.

To sum it up, “a threat is a threat” is dead wrong because the First Amendment protects “threats” that are not “true threats” but a fancy of the administration. Among the words quoted as threats by the media (HT video) is “You have no idea how close your agents came to bang,” and as a media quotes it, certainly they got it in a file of threats alleged by the FBI. The meaning of these words, in more formal English, is: “Unbeknownst to them, I nearly killed your agents.” Although these words may infuriate said agents, and, due to their esprit de corps, the whole FBI, it is not a threat at all, because threats are about the future, not the past. Therefore, among the alleged threats, this one is an obvious mistake, a very obvious one, which casts doubt on the whole file and on an administration that tends to call threats, in order to criminalize it, all speech that unnerves its agents. This is a bad administration, a killer administration.

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Experts in Election Rigging

Political Parties in Taiwan Protest Against Lai Ching-Te’s “Transit” Trip to U.S. (CCTV Video News Agency, Aug)

As the United States is denouncing the One China principle, there is no hope of a political solution. The U.S. will interfere in elections to ensure that the separatist party always gets the upper hand, as she has done time and again in numerous elections abroad (recently in Pakistan, with the no-confidence vote against Imran Khan, as exposed by leaked documents). Soon such protests as shown in CCTV’s video will be banned in Taiwan, in the name of the rule of law, of course…

Lai is in the U.S. to discuss a joint operation to rig the coming elections in Taiwan. That the U.S. rigs elections abroad is documented. (In parentheses, with so much expertise in election rigging, it was inevitable that one day some would find it expedient to use these skills at home.)

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The harmony of hate speech laws
with state discrimination and prior censorship

Complement to Law 32: Hate-speech-law countries v. free-speech countries & Law 37: On Swedish Discrimination.

‘After Ukraine, Next We Will…’: Chechen Leader [Ramzan Kadyrov] Threatens To Punish West For Quran Burnings. (Hindustan Times, Aug)

Said nations are failed systems, which claim to be inclusive but cannot accept religions as they are. In fact, they are atheistic absolutism. – When inclusiveness is your ideal but you can’t live up to it, you must leave the scene, disappear. Get lost.

Often, I read, from Indian and other Islamophobiacs, the same reasoning, which uses a comparison with Gulf monarchies, for instance Saudi Arabia, which do not accommodate religions beside Islam. As if the Indian and other national constitutions were contracts with Saudi Arabia! Saudi Arabia is a sovereign state and India another sovereign state, each of them having a state constitution of its own. If the Indian constitution says that the country is inclusive and accommodates different religions, it does not make this dependent on what Saudi Arabia does according to the latter’s constitution, which would be the case if said principles depended on the conduct of parties to a contract. The Indian constitution is inclusive and, if you disagree with this, then you have a problem with the Indian constitution, and Saudi Arabia is actually your model (but with another religion or lack thereof). You need a change in your own constitution.

I

Preliminary remark: Part I, (ii) and (iii), is a reasoning based on a likely partial description of the situation, serving as general considerations on devious ways of state discrimination; Part II, (iv) and (v), completes the description with important elements, which, if not mere appearances, might clear the Swedish government of the suspicions raised in Part I, although at this juncture it is not possible to be definite about this. Namely, Part I focuses on a situation where the man who burns copies of the Quran is not prosecuted (the decision of prosecuting authorities is still pending); Part II presents the legal rationale behind the man’s not being arrested or prevented from burning Qurans despite formal charges for hate speech filed against him.

(ii)

The excuse of Swedish authorities, namely “freedom of expression,” is lame, and even offensive, precisely because freedom of expression has not prevented the Swedish legislator from voting hate speech laws in which groups based on religious faith (trosbekännelse) are said to be protected from hate speech. Therefore, when the Swedish authorities tolerate hate speech against Islam in the form of Quran burning, the message is that hate speech is a crime except when it targets Muslims. That is, the Swedish government is blatantly discriminatory against Muslims. In a society where not a single form of speech would be criminalized as hate speech, the excuse would be relevant; here it is an insult to Muslims compounded to the existing state discrimination against Muslims through the use (and lack of it) of the national hate speech legislation.

– All religions are treated the same in Sweden.

Either all religions are treated the same, then the law article regarding religions is not implemented, and the question is both: why and how is this consistent with the rule of law? Or Islam is discriminated against. Assuming my contender is right, the Swedish authorities then discriminate against all religions as opposed to other protected minorities such as those based on race/ethnicity or sexual orientation. They ignore the hate speech legislation when hate speech targets religious groups, and this is a violation of the national law that expressly protects religious groups (groups based on trosbekännelse). It does not make Muslims’ anger less justified. They deserve a redress, and the government is remiss in ignoring their demand. Sweden passed such hate speech laws and is bound by its legislation.

Overlooking hate speech against religious groups while claiming to abide by a law saying that religious groups, among others, are protected by law against hate speech, they are hatemongers and enemies of the laws. The people we are talking about claim, in fact, to be entitled to act arbitrarily when they are bound to execute the law (executive power). It is Swedish law that grants protection to, among other religious and various other sorts of groups, Muslims against anyone’s talking about them as uncivilized and what not. That the executive power dares to claim that freedom of speech makes it legally impossible to act when freedom of speech has not prevented a law that compels them to act, marks them as outcasts. Those who have the duty to execute the law, its guardians, are the ones who trample it by ignoring it.

Furthermore, whatever one’s opinion is on, for instance, judicial stoning, the Swedish law does not include this or the opposite opinion in its purview. If one’s condemnation of stoning leads one to hateful speech, one is prosecutable and must be prosecuted, even if stoning were morally repugnant to all Swedes, for the simple reason that this feeling is not compelled by law, whereas incitement based upon it is prohibited. – Capital punishment, as a legal penalty, is not murder by any definition available. Some consider that a legislation including capital punishment does not respect human rights, but even this is not the conflation my contender then tried to make. Advocating for a legislative change introducing capital punishment is not prohibited by Swedish legislation, and if someone claimed that such advocacy should be prosecuted as incitement to murder, he might find some listeners, certainly, among the crackpots.

(iii)

“Criticizing a religion by burning a book,” a phrase uttered by someone who considers that the man who burns copies of the Quran is not guilty of hate speech, is most ridiculous. If such acts are legitimate criticism, nothing can be called hate or incitement. This is devious, asking not, squarely, for a repeal of the law but, in fact, for a discriminatory implementation depriving some of its protection. Burning, same as kicking, slashing, tearing apart, trampling, is not mere criticism; it is beyond criticism, it affords no counter speech, it is a mere nonverbal act of hate; and this, if need be, is evidenced by the fact that these acts fall under the label of desecration when done on national symbols such as flags. Even though flag desecration has been decriminalized in Sweden (1971), this decriminalization does not question the fact that said acts are offensive, outrageous; it only means that outrage to the national flag must not be opposed to freedom of speech. Therefore, when we talk, instead of the national flag, of a group expressly protected by a hate speech law, of course these outrageous acts fall within the purview of the law and are prohibited, and they deserve the greatest penalty available due to the particularly heinous form of hateful speech they represent.

That would be the dastardliest act of government if, because the national hate speech law protects religions from hate speech, and this government wants to persecute Muslims, it denied that Islam is a religion and now called it an ideology.

“The [Swedish] law criminalizes expression considered to be hate speech and prohibits threats or statements of contempt for a group or member of a group based on race, color, national or ethnic origin, religious belief [emphasis ours], or sexual orientation. Penalties for hate speech range from fines to a maximum of four years in prison. In addition the country’s courts have held that it is illegal to wear xenophobic symbols or racist paraphernalia or to display signs and banners with inflammatory symbols at rallies.” (U.S. Department of State: Report on Sweden) Talk about freedom of speech if you wish, Sweden is one of the most repressive countries in Europe regarding speech: “four years in prison”! In comparison, penalty for hate speech in France is a maximum of one year. And we will leave aside Sweden’s lèse-majesté laws criminalizing speech against the royal family. That such people dare to excuse their apathy with the mantra “freedom of speech” shows an abyss of depravity and shamelessness.

That Sweden is a liberal country is a myth. The only thing liberal about Sweden is that it was one of the first countries to decriminalize pornography (after Denmark), as they thought people watched porn just because it was forbidden, which was a stupidity. That such a bureaucratic country, with one of the highest numbers of civil servants depending on the state for their livelihood, can parade as a beacon of liberty, shows a high level of self-delusion. Of course, such a country as this has no tolerance for offensive speech, and its hate speech legislation is unsurprisingly one of the worst in the European Union. Swedish courts seem to be more liberal in that respect, however, as shown by the Pastor Åke Green case. On this case, two remarks. 1) “Homosexuality is a disease, a cancerous growth in the society” is not hate speech against homosexuals according to the Swedish supreme court. However, in its sibylline reasoning, the court seems to be excusing the speech on the fact that Åke Green is a pastor of a Christian denomination. Therefore, the chilling effect of the law on speech is not abated for ordinary people. 2) This seemingly liberal court decision (liberal in the sense of tolerating offensive speech) is a mere appearance. While the law remains in full force, this decision may create in observers the feeling that so-called liberal Swedes have a liberal approach to their hate speech law, but not at all: That such speech would not be condemned with (a maximum of) 4 years imprisonment when made by an ordinary citizen, or a Muslim, rather than a Christian pastor, is unpredictable.

In this most liberal country, you’re an adult at 18 but you can’t buy alcohol if you’re under 20. Alcohol is bought at state-owned dealers only. In this most liberal country, paying for a prostitute is a crime (even though offensive material such as filmed pornography, which requires pacta turpia to be made, is legal). This most liberal country has one of the most repressive legislations on drugs. And so on. How can words be distorted to such extent? Where does the legend of a liberal Sweden come from? I may approve of some of these laws, but I would blush at calling them liberal. All in all, if Swedes can call themselves liberal, I guess they can say that labelling someone a cancerous growth is not contemptuous and that Islam is not a religious belief as well…

II

(iv)

The current situation in Sweden is as follows. The Iraqi man on a Quran burning spree in Sweden will actually face trials for hate speech. What the Swedish government excuses by alleging freedom of speech is not, therefore, its not prosecuting the man but its not exerting prior restraint on the man’s acts, and this because free speech is construed as allowing criminal prosecution of speech once it is made, but not allowing prior censorship. The government claims it cannot stop a felon on a crime spree because his crime is a speech crime. The man will be duly summoned before a court in a couple of months, but in the meantime the authorities cannot, the government says, stop the felon, because of freedom of speech. In sum, 1) the man whom some claim is not guilty of hate speech will be tried for hate speech; 2) the government’s excuse (“freedom of speech”) has nothing to do with the fact that the government would think that Quran burning is definitely not hate speech but with the fact that the government could not, according to its spokespersons, stop a felon on a crime spree insofar as his crime is speech. The Swedish government repeats the “freedom of speech” mantra, not because it thinks the man is clear of criminal, illegal hate speech, but because it claims that, the crime being speech, freedom of speech prevents the authorities from arresting him preventively.

Swedish police have allowed his demonstrations, citing freedom of speech, while filing preliminary hate speech charges against him.” (Crux, Aug) Swedish police allow, “citing freedom of speech,” demonstrations that they consider to be hate speech, that is, illegal speech. If you cite freedom of speech but your laws, although your constitution claims to guarantee freedom of speech, do not allow hate speech, then, obviously, you cannot cite freedom of speech in presence of hate speech. As, in Sweden, not all speech is free, how can Swedish police cite freedom of speech to allow speech that is not allowed? What an excuse is this? As hate speech is a crime, police must treat hate speech as a crime, rather than allowing a crime to be committed by citing freedom of speech. – Is this, what we are suggesting, prior administrative censorship? Yes, it is. Look at France, where criminalized speech is treated administratively with website termination, organization statute cancellation, and scores of other police tools. France is a member of the European Council (European Convention on Human Rights) same as Sweden.

Wrong. He is granted the right to demonstrate because of the *right to demonstrate*. It is what was done at the demonstration which is tried in a court, to sort it out juridically, the police has no expertise in this area, and the police don’t make judgement calls – they follow Swedish law.

There are no hate speech laws in Sweden, it has been tried for “hets mot folkgrupp,” best translated as “incitement against ethnic group.” It is not illegal to feel or express hatred. It is illegal to incite violence against a specific group. It’s impossible to make a general claim, since every case has its unique circumstances. But since this is an attack on Islam as a religion, and not incitement against Muslims as a group, it doesn’t fall under this law.

1) The Swedish law is a typical “hate speech law,” a label that includes all laws criminalizing “group libel,” if one wants to use a more technical term, the term “hate” being used primarily by the promoters of such laws. What my contender here translates as incitement against a group is of course the same as group libel. If we did not call the Swedish law a hate speech law, there would be no reason to talk of hate speech laws elsewhere either, since all these laws are the same. Please note, also, that the above quoted U.S. Department of State correctly stresses that the Swedish law criminalizes “statements of contempt.”

2) A folkgrupp is not an “ethnic group,” since the Swedish law criminalizes group libel for all sorts of groups, based not only on race and ethnicity, but also, for instance, on sexual orientation and religious belief. A folkgrupp is a group of people or category of people.

3) The distinction between a religion and its members is nonsensical. This is as if one said that libeling “homosexuality” is permitted while libeling “homosexuals” is a crime; if such an escape way were allowed, group libel could not be indicted at all, the law could not be implemented. This interpretation, therefore, tries to empty out the law, which is not allowed: laws must be interpreted in such a way that their interpretation maintains the laws rather than cancel them (one cannot interpret laws away).

4) “Every case has its unique circumstances” is true for all kinds of laws, or, more precisely, for the whole legislation. Yet general claims must be possible, otherwise people would not know what is allowed and what is not. This claim smacks of ignorance about basic legal principles. If it is true, however, that general claims cannot be made about group libel (hate speech), then these laws are particularly obnoxious: speech is chilled for lack of certainty about the frontiers of legality. My contender may be right, but then he should draw the right conclusion too, which is that these laws must be repealed immediately.

5) The right to demonstrate is a right of speech; the Swedish government talked of the case as a speech issue rather than the narrower issue of right of demonstration. Law enforcement forces defer crimes to courts but also, as a rule, prevent crime. In the case of speech crimes, and to the best of my knowledge only in this case, and in Sweden, the police will not intend to prevent a crime, will let it happen, and then defer the “innocent until proven guilty by a court” (as always) criminal to a court for judgment. “This area,” in which, according to my contender, the police has no expertise, is nothing but the area of what crimes are according to the legislation, therefore the police has an obvious expertise. When a demonstration is planned, the administration is informed beforehand of its character and intent: if the object of a demonstration is illegal, in all countries that I know the demonstration is not allowed. In Sweden, it is allowed (“Swedish police have allowed his demonstrations”), although the police file charges after the event, knowing beforehand they would, given the prior declaration of intent by the organizer of the demonstration.

The remark smacked of ignorance (because unique circumstances are the general rule of legal cases, so they cannot serve any purpose in a discussion about the particular case of group libel) or was correctly pointing at a fatal flaw in these laws, namely, that no one knows for sure what they allow and what they forbid, which runs into a basic requirement of all laws.

As religious groups are mentioned among other sorts of groups, quite different in nature, they must be treated just the same as race and so on. All named groups are protected by the law, that is, they all deserve the same protection. If someone hates the ideas of Islam, and that transpires in his speech when he is talking of Islam, he is guilty of group libel.

“The law should not be there in the first place.” Yet it is there, so, in the name of the rule of law, one must enforce it squarely and fairly, not take the opportunity to discriminate through biased enforcement, until it is repealed. A repeal belongs to the political and legislative debate, not to police and judicial practice (beyond constitutional review). My warning is for those who try to neutralize the law regarding Muslims, while they would, with this legislative weapon, continue to smash all speech against other groups. If you don’t believe that this is a real temptation today, you are not a good observer of European societies.

(v)

The man is about to be tried for hate speech and his defense, that his speech is about Islam, not Muslims, is unlikely to be found of any worth [see (iii) 3)]. If this defense were acceptable, the article protecting religious groups from hate speech would be of no avail because then people would only need to say Islam rather than Muslims to avoid the due criminal penalties for hate speech (which can be 4 years in prison), and that would be absurd. The law, by itself, is harsh. What the authorities claim, however, is that, although the man will be tried in a couple of months, they cannot stop him, preventively, from committing other such crimes (Quran burning as hate speech) because these crimes are speech crimes that cannot be prevented administratively, that is, by police measures, as this would be censorship (whereas an ex post trial and indictment for speech by an independent court is considered to be compatible with freedom of speech).

In (some, probably most) other European countries with hate speech laws, this is not the same, police can take preventive and enforcement measures as with all other types of crime. In France, for instance, the administration can shut down a mosque (it already happened) when an imam is said by the authorities to make hateful preaches, that is, the police punish the whole local community by depriving it of its place of worship as a measure of enforcement of the hate speech legislation… In that respect, Swedes take the principles of freedom of speech a little more seriously; namely, allowing the executive power to enforce a speech-repressive law like any other law is government censorship, which is not supposed to occur in countries that vindicate free speech. However, if it is a crime in the first place according to the law, police are not supposed to let crimes be committed without intervening, as a rule. There is an ambiguity, most probably this police non-intervention rule for speech crimes is not absolute and the police could find a legal basis for preventing the man from burning Qurans. I am inclined to think there is a bias in law enforcement here. In fact, I believe the authorities in Sweden have not made up their mind whether Quran burning is or should be illegal, even though it reasonably cannot be denied that it is. I am afraid their intention is to make an exception with Islam, namely, to allow Swedish people to insult and offend Muslims while other religious (and all other protected) groups would remain protected. A form of discrimination.

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Décolonisation avancée

I

France Evacuates Citizens From Niger After Pro-Putin Protests At Embassy. (HT, Aug)

Two days ago, the French authorities “vowed immediate and uncompromising action if French citizens or interests were attacked” in Niger. (This, in parentheses, was said when French interests had already been attacked in Niger, with the storming of the French embassy by a mob.) Today they withdraw French citizens from Niger. Seen in this light, the earlier warning to the junta (do not let French citizens be attacked or…) was mere bluff. As France uttered a warning, she should have kept her citizens in Niger, since the warning was supposed to be a shield for her citizens, or what was it? French citizens in Niger had the shield of French power guaranteed by the French authorities, namely the presidency. But now, as France decides to evacuate her citizens from Niger, the authorities are implicitly admitting that the presidential warning was bluff, hot air. This is pathetic.

On ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States)’s threat of military intervention. That an “Economic Community” morphs overnight into a military organization suggests that all this is dictated by powers abroad. An economic community is based on economic treaties, these are not political or military treaties. The organization should change her name first, because in case its treaties stipulate such military interventions, they are not merely economic treaties and the organization’s name is deceptive, the organization is not merely an economic community. An organization with a deceptive name has no legitimacy, and on the other hand individual states aiming at a military alliance cannot use the frame of an economic community for military purposes.

(ii) FR

Il y a trois jours, la présidence française menaçait d’une réponse « immédiate et intraitable » toute attaque contre les citoyens et les intérêts français au Niger. (Ces propos intervenaient d’ailleurs après que les intérêts français avaient été attaqués au Niger, avec l’assaut de l’ambassade française par une foule déchaînée.) Aujourd’hui, la France rapatrie ses citoyens. C’est la réponse immédiate et intraitable ? Les propos de la présidence française suivis de cette évacuation couvrent la France de ridicule. Les citoyens français auraient dû se sentir en sécurité au Niger puisque la présidence menaçait ceux qui chercheraient à les attaquer. C’est une nouvelle démonstration que la parole de la France ne pèse rien, démonstration apportée cette fois par la France elle-même : personne ne croit que les menaces présidentielles puissent avoir le moindre effet dissuasif.

II

La Communauté économique des États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) a déjà sanctionné et suspendu le Mali en 2020, la Guinée en 2021 et le Burkina Faso en 2022. Pourquoi n’a-t-elle pas menacé ces pays d’une intervention militaire et le fait-elle seulement avec le Niger aujourd’hui ? Quel est le sens de cette escalade ?

Les menaces de la CEDEAO laissent penser que les États membres de l’organisation ont soutenu la campagne électorale de Bazoum et qu’ils cherchent à présent à rétablir « leur » candidat. Auraient-ils profité de lacunes dans la législation nigérienne sur le financement des partis politiques et des campagnes électorales ? Quand ils réclament le retour à l’ordre constitutionnel, il convient de souligner que des financements occultes sont déjà une violation de l’ordre constitutionnel. Des soutiens du nouveau Conseil national ont expliqué que Bazoum avait payé des électeurs, une pratique contraire aux principes d’un ordre constitutionnel digne de ce nom. Aucune réponse n’a été apportée à ces accusations graves, comme s’il fallait considérer que la pratique va de soi dans ces pays, alors que c’est une cause de nullité, tout comme les financements occultes étrangers. Les États occidentaux parlent d’ordre constitutionnel au Niger en acceptant des pratiques qui, dans ces propres États, conduiraient à l’annulation des élections. Ce n’est pas sérieux.

Par ailleurs, un président démocratiquement élu dans un pays où le taux d’illettrisme est de 73 %, c’est cela que défend la France.

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Pourquoi Dupond-Moretti est désormais un maillon faible du gouvernement. (Europe 1, juillet)

Il y a des présumés innocents en détention provisoire et d’autres au gouvernement. Où est le problème ? – Plaisanterie à part, n’est-il pas ahurissant qu’un ministre se prévale de la présomption d’innocence pour rester au gouvernement, quand la présomption d’innocence n’empêche pas que des gens soient privés de liberté et placés en détention ? C’est à couper le souffle.

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Violences sur Hedi : maintien en détention requis pour le policier. (Europe 1, juillet 2023)

Hier, une ancienne présidente du Syndicat de la magistrature affirmait, sur une chaîne d’information, qu’un policier est comme tout autre citoyen devant la justice. Dans un système où le principe constitutionnel de séparation des pouvoirs se traduit par une « séparation des autorités administratives et judiciaires » et par l’existence d’une juridiction administrative distincte des juridictions judiciaires, cette affirmation est principiellement fausse. Un policier est un représentant de l’État dans l’exercice de la puissance publique, et nous pourrions donc voir le préfet adresser un déclinatoire de compétence au tribunal judiciaire pour le dessaisir de l’affaire et la porter devant un juge administratif, où elle serait jugée comme une faute de service, si ce n’est qu’en la matière le juge administratif a lui-même entendu dégager les contours d’une faute personnelle des agents qui permet la mise en cause de ceux-ci devant les tribunaux judiciaires mais qui n’avait rien d’évident a priori, dans un tel système, puisqu’elle n’est apparue qu’a posteriori.

(Entre parenthèses, la seule fois où j’ai vu un crâne décalotté comme celui de Hedi, c’était l’image d’un cousin d’Ahed Tamimi, Mohammed Tamimi, après un passage de l’armée israélienne. Il serait regrettable que la police française traitât les Français comme des Palestiniens sous occupation, c’est-à-dire comme si c’était une armée d’occupation.)

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Cinq Américains bientôt autorisés à quitter l’Iran après le déblocage des fonds iraniens. (CGTN Français)

En résumé, les États-Unis achètent à l’Iran la liberté de citoyens américains avec l’argent de l’Iran.

– Non, c’est un échange de prisonniers plus des fonds iraniens débloqués !

C’est mieux que si c’était pire. Ce que j’ai voulu dire, c’est que les actifs financiers de l’Iran sont sa propriété et que la saisie de la propriété d’autrui s’appelle du vol. En supposant même que cette saisie ne serve pas son auteur à s’enrichir directement (si l’auteur ne comptabilise pas ces fonds et n’en fait rien), elle appauvrit le propriétaire légitime des fonds (dont le droit de propriété est de fait suspendu), et par conséquent, dans la relation entre les deux, l’un est après la saisie plus riche par rapport à l’autre du fait de l’appauvrissement (perte de propriété) de ce dernier. La saisie est donc une cause d’enrichissement dans la relation bilatérale de l’auteur de la saisie, une cause d’appauvrissement de la victime vis-à-vis de tous. Appauvrir quelqu’un est une cause d’enrichissement sans augmentation de capital propre compte tenu de la relativité des notions de richesse et pauvreté. Ces réflexions ne préjugent en rien du statut légal, aux États-Unis, des fonds iraniens saisis, lequel statut, pour l’ignorant que je suis, pourrait être que cet argent est placé et produit un rendement dont les États-Unis bénéficient, qu’en sais-je ? Auquel cas il n’y aurait même pas besoin de recourir à cette notion d’enrichissement indirect que je viens de développer, car la saisie serait alors la cause d’un enrichissement direct par augmentation du capital mobilisable.

Du point de vue de la loi, et en nous plaçant dans le contexte américain, la saisie de propriété n’est pas un vol, quand l’État la pratique, dans trois hypothèses dont une au moins est problématique. 1) La première est la saisie de propriété immobilière dans un but d’intérêt général et moyennant compensation financière : c’est la théorie de l’« eminent domain » (en France, expropriation pour cause d’utilité publique). 2) La deuxième est la saisie des biens de personnes condamnées par la justice : c’est la théorie de la « forfeiture » (en France, confiscation). 3) La troisième est celle qui nous occupe, et qui s’appuie sur des lois de sauvegarde de l’intérêt national. Or, quand la loi affecte un État souverain comme l’Iran, la saisie d’actifs s’inscrit dans une relation de souverain à souverain, transposition de celle de sujet de droit à sujet de droit, et la saisie unilatérale est donc un vol, même quand une loi nationale américaine le prévoit.

Law 37 On Swedish Discrimination

Languages: EN-FR

EN

The International Criminal Court is not a “court,” it is something no constitutional regime could have in place, namely both a prosecutor and a court in one and the same organ, a mixture of powers abhorrent to constitutional principles. Therefore, no fair trial can ever be had from such a body, and international justice as embodied by the ICC is no justice at all. The treaty instituting the ICC is not binding for countries abiding by constitutional principles. Take France; the preamble of its constitution says: “A society without separation of powers has no constitution” (“Toute société dans laquelle la garantie des droits n’est pas assurée, ni la séparation des pouvoirs déterminée, n’a point de Constitution“). How could such a country be bound by decisions from a body whose constitution (the treaty) so blatantly overlooks the principle of separation of powers? The ICC’s answer amounts to saying, and I am telling you no joke, that the prosecutor and the judges do not share the same office within the court’s precincts…

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TikTok CEO Shou Zi Chew faces off with US legislators in hearing. Shou Zi Chew was grilled about teenage safety and data security. (Al Jazeera English, March 2023)

“Deadly challenges” among teenagers on social platforms are not specific to one company: How do these legislators care about deadly challenges when it’s done on a US platform? And how would forcing the sale of TikTok to a US company, as suggested, solve the problem? They are mixing things up –(a) national security issues re a Chinese company and (b) the usual problems of such platforms, most of them American– to create an emotional climate against the activity of a Chinese-owned company and pinpoint in this Chinese company the problems these legislators fail to address in US companies. This is discrimination and China would be justified to see a casus belli in this, as per the Opium Wars, Open Door Policy, and other precedents of international law. The American public will be made to endorse, by way of deception, a legislative response to bogus claims on national security by approving measures against problems occurring with all such platforms, which the American legislator fails to address in the case of other, mostly American companies. The remiss legislator is claiming to address a general problem by pinpointing a foreign, Chinese company, and this is discriminatory.

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Ukrainians and their supporters online are protesting the International Olympic Committee’s recommendation to let Russian and Belarusian athletes compete at international competitions under a ‘neutral’ white flag. (Al Jazeera English, March 2023)

They should reread Pierre de Coubertin. The games are for all countries, and those countries which object to this may boycott and remain out of it. The games’ organizers are not a political tribunal hearing complaints from this or that country.

Make no mistake, Russian athletes already competed under a neutral flag in the previous games, this has nothing to do with the conflict in Ukraine but with sports ethics, related to allegations of doping, as the organizers considered the Russians did not evidence a serious will to cope with the problem.

The International Olympic Committee (IOC) has no power, under its statutes, to exclude a country on political grounds. What the people who make this demand fail to see is that such an exclusion would be outrageous because it would send the message that there is no conflict in the world expect the conflict in Ukraine, a mind-bogglingly insensitive message. The IOC is simply not that kind of tribunal.

­ Oh yeah? Care to tell us why Germany and Japan were not allowed to participate in 1948 Olympics then? There is always a line.

Coubertin was dead and the IOC made a mistake it did not dare to make twice. Not inviting Russia while inviting other countries engaged in offensive wars would be a reckless disregard for the sufferings of victims; the IOC would be a puppet of state interests for which some wars and sufferings matter while others don’t.

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On Rahul Gandhi’s trial for defamation after saying “Modi is a surname of thieves” – and international implications. “Modi is a surname of thieves” is not defamatory, as it is not an allegation of facts. It is a jibe. If someone dislikes my name, it may anger me but that doesn’t build up to a factual claim, that is, a defamation. Although the message intended is that the person, by implication, is a thief, this is not an allegation of facts. Insult and defamation are different concepts. Insult is a damage to feelings; defamation is a damage to reputation. When A says B has the surname of a thief, A may hurt B’s feelings (if B is thin-skinned, which is not an overly good quality for a statesman) but B’s reputation remains intact. Had A said B had stolen goods on this or that occasion, then, yes, there may be some damage to B’s reputation (through alleged facts). Not here. Rahul is innocent of defamation.

Everybody has a say on Indian jurisprudence because Indian judges may be posted at international courts and therefore make international law; if it turns out Indian judges are not professional at home, we should oppose their tenure at international courts. The way Indian justice is carried out is not an “internal matter”; if Indian judges are not competent and ethical at home, international courts should discard their applications. If they try to claim that law means subservience to Indian politics, their applications should be discarded without further review.

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Donald Trump’s Hush Money Indictment

What are the charges? “Hush money,” what crime is that? Is a man punishable for being a victim of blackmail?

It looks like a conspiracy using a hooker to make a man fall through blackmail. “Blackmail is the crime of threatening to release certain private information, unless the victim meets specific demands. In many states, blackmail falls under the laws of extortion or theft by coercion. This offense is generally a felony that can carry over a year in prison for a conviction.”

I mean “conspiracy” in the legal, not the thought-police sense: “A conspiracy exists when 2 or more persons join together and form an agreement to violate the law, and then act on that agreement. The crime of conspiracy was created to address the inherent dangers posed to society when people come together and join forces to commit criminal acts.”

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Italy’s most powerful mafia busted as more than 1,000 police officers carry out raids across Europe. (Crux, April 2023)

According to this news, the ‘Ndrangheta is responsible for drug dealing and money laundering (it goes without saying that crime money must be laundered, so it is a mere detail). In the past, Crux says, they used to kidnap people for ransoms; let us assume this is the past and their only crime today is drug dealing. I, then, claim these people today are morally less repugnant than the governments that arrest them and at the same time, through taxation, make money from pornography and prostitution, which are legal in these countries. These governments are complicit in human trafficking. Ironically, this and other mafia groups probably launder their illegal money precisely through these legal activities. In fact, we know that nothing can be done against organized crime in the current institutional framework of these countries, as organized crime is the main corrupting agency in a system where many admit, since Tocqueville, that some degree of corruption is inescapable. Corruption is now exerted by organized crime, which did not exist in American democracy in Tocqueville’s time. (On this point, see my essay Pacta turpia are not speech here, with the Comments section.)

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The developing country that is the first economy in the world

US aims to hinder China’s development by depriving it of developing status: Spokesman. (CCTV Video News Agency, June 2023)

We are reading that BRICS’s share in global GDP has just or is about to surpass G7’s share. Does China agree with these figures and, if yes, does China agree that GDP is a benchmark of development?

–GDP “per capita.”

OK. Two questions. 1) Is there a consensus on what the GDP per capita threshold should be between developed and developing countries? 2) If there is no consensus, what GDP per capita should China reach to become a developed country, according to the Chinese themselves? A developing country is due to become a developed country sometime: When do the Chinese see that time coming? If a developing country has no target, the reach of which would prompt her to say “mission accomplished, we are now developed,” she is not “developing,” and the developed-developing categories lack meaning. Such a country would not be developing; she would, due to preferential treatment clauses in vigor, be a permanently privileged country. This is not to say that the US is legitimate to ascribe this or that statute to China unilaterally.

This page shows the distinction is wanting. To sum up one of the points, a developed economy is service-based while a developing economy is industry-based. How can such a benchmark be of any worth? International division of labor is not going to stop at any GDP and/or GDP per capita figure, because it is ingrained in the mechanisms of international trade. Therefore, by this benchmark, some developing countries will remain “developing” forever, if they specialize in industry in the international division of labor, no matter how high their GDPs per capita. By this rule, developing countries are not developing.

The abstract distinction between developed and developing countries goes against the conditions upon which life itself is premised. There is no such thing as a developed vs. developing organism or economy (the set of material conditions for living organisms): they are all developing. China is developing as much as G7 countries. The current theoretical construct for a regulation of international trade aiming at fairness among parties is, therefore, nonsense. It is premised on an ideal of equally developed, that is, non-developing, stationary economies, which is only conceivable, empirically, as death. No threshold can define a terminally developed economy because there is no such thing as an economy of this kind. Therefore, the labels are entirely arbitrary, so much so that denouncing this or that label is itself arbitrary. In the final analysis, this denouncing is, when all parties claim to abide by the same arbitrary framework, a sovereign decision.

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On Swedish Discrimination

NATO Chief Jens Stoltenberg spoke out on the burning of the Quran in Sweden. Stoltenberg said that the burning of the Quran was offensive and objectionable, but not illegal. (Hindustan Times, July 2023)

If it is offensive, then it is, by the letter of the Swedish law, illegal, because incitement is by definition offensive speech and incitement against groups based on their religious faith (“trosbekännelse”) is illegal hate speech according to the Swedish legislation (see Law 32). This is, again, the letter of the law, and the claim that Swedish hate speech laws do not protect Muslims from incitement in the form of offensive book burning is a despicable attempt at discriminating against Muslims.

This blatantly discriminatory interpretation of the law makes me want to burn heaps of Swedish constitutions and flags. What do I care if some find it offensive? The NATO bureaucrat says offense is not a problem. What are the Swedish hate speech laws for, if they are not supposed to prevent and punish offenses?

This bureaucrat and others only defend freedom of speech when the target of speech are Muslims. Not only does Sweden have hate speech laws protecting whole groups, including religions or faiths, from incitement (“hets”), which this bureaucrat does not oppose, but it also has many other repressive laws, such as lese-majesty laws, which, again, go unnoticed by said bureaucrat. When such discriminating people say “freedom of expression,” it means: Deprive Muslims of their speech through legal speech repression and then make them the target of hate speech through alleged freedom of speech. This is arbitrariness and consequently tyranny. “Offence toward the monarch and the royal family (lèse-majesté) remains a criminal offence in Sweden under the Swedish Criminal Code. Defamation or insult committed against the King or other member of the Royal Family is a criminal offence under Ch. 18, Sec. 2 of the Criminal Code. The punishment is imprisonment for up to four years, or up to six years in the case of gross defamation” (International Press Institute: Sweden).

The US has no say in the matter, considering that Quran burning is free speech in US legislation, where the First Amendment has barred legislatures from passing hate speech laws. The Biden administration is expressing concern over some speech abroad that its own Constitution protects at home… However, this administration is correct to say that Quran burning is hate speech according to a no-nonsensical hate speech legislation (where omission to prosecute make the authorities, therefore, remiss and show they are full of hate against Muslims).

In this country, Sweden, a man can spend six years behind bars for “defaming” the king or any member of the royal family. This is a free speech country, you hear me! To be sure, international analysts say that convictions for defaming the king or the royal family are rare. I believe they are, because six years imprisonment is dissuasive enough to keep people silent about the monarchy. But the analysts seem to believe, when they say convictions are rare, that in fact the law is not really applied, because Sweden is a free speech country; it is more a joke than a law, therefore. Certainly, the notion of legislation as a joke is not foreign to European countries; yet here is something different: here, a law that suppresses speech efficiently by dissuading people from opening their mouths is described as innocuous considering the scarcity of trials! The dialectic should be clear, and when the same people allow Quran burning in the name of free speech, this is nothing but institutionalized anti-Muslim hate.

On the first day of Eid al-Adha, a person set fire to the Muslim holy book outside a mosque in Stockholm. Swedish government later charged him with agitation against an ethnic or national group. Bur Iran’s Foreign Minister, Hossein Amirabdollahian, has held the Swedish government responsible for allowing such protests and announced that Tehran would not be sending an ambassador, despite having appointed one. The Swedish courts had granted permission for these demonstrations, citing freedom of expression. (Hindustan Times)

You must be wrong, Hindustan Times, because if the courts “had allowed such demonstrations,” by which you mean, presumably, that courts had allowed Quran burning, the government would not have filed charges against a man burning a Quran, as you say the Swedish government did. As the authorities, facing an act of Quran burning, filed charges for agitation against a group (“hets mot folkgrupp”), that is, for hate speech, there is obviously no judicial precedent (stare decisis) stating that Quran burning is not a hate speech crime under the statutory law regarding agitation against a group. Prosecution authorities are not supposed to disregard a judicial precedent when it exists. Therefore, you must be wrong, and the courts had said nothing of the sort. And how could the courts have said something of the sort when the act in question is undeniably the kind of act repressed by the letter of the Swedish hate speech law, which protects from offensive speech such groups as those based on religious faith?

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FR

Contre la subvention sociale de l’avortement

États-Unis : un juge de la Cour suprême bloque un arrêt qui limite l’accès à la pilule abortive. (CGTN Français, avril 2024)

Une personne qui ne désire pas d’enfants doit faire en sorte de ne pas en avoir par la façon dont elle se comporte. La loi n’oblige pas les gens à avoir des enfants mais la loi n’est pas non plus obligée de réparer les erreurs des individus. Pourquoi le contribuable doit-il payer, via la sécurité sociale, pour que l’État corrige les erreurs de personnes qui ne veulent pas d’enfants et sont pourtant sur le point d’en avoir, c’est-à-dire ont agi (à moins de viol) contrairement à leurs propres objectifs, donc de manière irréfléchie ? Que l’on montre d’abord que ces dépenses d’avortement, pilules abortives et autres, sont à la seule charge des personnes concernées et non du contribuable avant de parler de liberté, parce que si, comme en France, ces dépenses sont socialisées, la responsabilité subventionne l’irresponsabilité et ce n’est pas acceptable. Vous êtes libres d’avoir des enfants ou pas, du moment que le contribuable ne paye pas pour vos avortements, car il n’a aucune responsabilité dans vos erreurs personnelles.

Dans les pays comme la France où l’avortement est une dépense socialisée, une femme ne devrait avoir droit, au mieux, qu’à un nombre limité d’avortements dans sa vie, défini par la loi, par exemple un ou deux. À la grossesse non voulue suivante, elle devrait subir une stérilisation forcée. « Mon corps, ma liberté », soit, mais ce n’est pas à moi de te payer ta liberté. L’avortement doit être une dépense entièrement privée ou bien être assortie de règles du genre énoncé.

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Du concept de philosophies plurielles des droits de l’homme et de sa naïveté

Il faut « respecter les philosophies des droits de l’homme des autres pays » (Ambassadeur chinois). (CGTN Français, juin 2023)

On ne peut parler de différentes philosophies des droits de l’homme. S’il y avait différentes philosophies, l’une protégerait moins les droits que l’autre et serait donc déficiente par rapport à l’autre, serait moins parfaite et moins « respectable ». Ce qu’il faut chercher à savoir, c’est si la pratique des États est conforme à leur discours. Quand un État européen est condamné de manière répétée par la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme pour les mêmes violations, c’est qu’il ne respecte pas les droits de l’homme et ne s’amende pas, ne cherche même pas à s’améliorer ; c’est juste un présomptueux donneur de leçons.

Quand il est question de « valeurs asiatiques » pour définir une philosophie asiatique des droits de l’homme, il s’agit de faire une place au collectif dans le traitement des droits individuels. Or les États occidentaux ont exactement le même raisonnement chez eux : dans la pratique gouvernementale des États européens vis-à-vis de leurs citoyens, le discours est toujours que les libertés individuelles ne sont pas absolues et que leur exercice est limité par la considération de l’intérêt général. C’est seulement à l’égard d’autres États souverains, par exemple asiatiques, que les pays occidentaux passent sous silence cette dimension de leur propre pratique gouvernementale et tiennent un discours absolutiste fallacieux. Cette instrumentalisation des droits de l’homme est régulièrement dénoncée par la Chine et d’autres pays, et c’est là une approche plus pertinente que d’invoquer des philosophies différentes, car en réalité la philosophie occidentale des droits de l’homme est la même que celle des valeurs asiatiques, dans la pratique interne des États occidentaux.

Quand il s’agit de libertés, c’est toujours, dans la philosophie occidentale comme dans les valeurs asiatiques, un compromis entre l’individuel et le collectif. Il n’y a donc pas de différence de philosophie. Quand, à présent, on prétend que la philosophie des droits de l’homme exclut par principe telle ou telle législation, par exemple l’application de la peine capitale, il est certain, si l’on admet que les droits de l’homme exigent nécessairement l’abolition de cette peine, qu’il ne s’agit plus d’une question de compromis ; et si un État veut maintenir la peine de mort tout en se disant respectueux des droits de l’homme, il lui faut invoquer une « autre » philosophie des droits de l’homme, avec laquelle cette peine est compatible. Or que les États européens (au contraire des États-Unis) et les ONG occidentales aient fait de l’abolition de la peine de mort un critère du respect des droits de l’homme ne signifie pas que ce soit autre chose qu’une manœuvre, que ce soit une philosophie légitime des droits de l’homme plutôt qu’une interprétation dévoyée. Les philosophes européens des Lumières (Montesquieu, Voltaire, Kant…) qui ont contribué à poser les bases d’une philosophie des droits humains considéraient la peine capitale comme légitime. (La source d’inspiration des promoteurs de l’abolition est un assez obscur juriste, Beccaria, surtout connu pour cet argument abolitionniste ; les philosophes du même courant, comme Voltaire, ont retenu de ce juriste ses appels à mettre fin à la « barbarie » judiciaire, mais Voltaire, par exemple, a défendu la légitimité de la peine capitale, qui n’est donc pas, pour ces auteurs, une peine barbare en soi.) L’absolutisme abolitionniste est injustifié du point de vue des droits de l’homme et sert en réalité à créer une ligne simpliste de démarcation entre États en ignorant les questions plus sensibles des pratiques gouvernementales qui, indépendamment des proclamations, traduisent un parti pris répressif entre l’individuel et le collectif dans les sociétés occidentales.

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Émeutes et responsabilité du fait d’autrui

Le garde des sceaux veut « rappeler aux parents un certain nombre de choses ». Il peut rappeler autant de choses qu’il le souhaite : aucune loi n’interdit aux gens de sortir, si ce n’est un couvre-feu. Ce n’est donc pas la peine de proférer des menaces, car appliquer des sanctions pour des conduites permises par la loi (sortir ou laisser sortir ses enfants) serait illégal.

Le garde des sceaux, comme le président de la République avant lui, qui sont censés parler dans le cadre de leurs fonctions au nom de la loi, ont parlé au nom d’un certain sens de la responsabilité morale, mais avec ce genre de propos ils sont en dehors de leurs attributions, et ils ne font que discriminer les parents de certaines zones urbaines, car si les parents d’un émeutier venu de Neuilly-sur-Seine se faisaient visiter par la police, ils diraient qu’ils ne pouvaient pas savoir que leur fils sortait pour participer à une émeute alors qu’ils pensaient qu’il allait seulement faire sa rooftop party hebdomadaire à plein volume avec ses petits camarades de la Haute Ecole de marketing commercial, et l’on dirait alors « c’est vrai, ils ne pouvaient pas savoir », tandis que Fatma de Sarcelles devait savoir, quant à elle, et avait donc le devoir au nom de la loi d’enfermer son enfant à double tour : présomption de culpabilité.

Le premier soir d’émeute était imprévisible car spontané. Le deuxième soir était imprévisible car on pensait que les forces de l’ordre avaient rétabli l’ordre dont elles portent le nom. Le troisième soir, idem, etc. Il est vrai qu’à un moment le gouvernement a appelé les parents au secours. Au secours des forces de l’ordre. Mais, et c’est mon argument, il n’avait pas ce pouvoir. Il ne peut pas donner d’ordre aux parents, seulement aux policiers, gendarmes, RAID, brigades anti-terroristes, véhicules blindés…

Un président de la République a certes le droit de parler pour ne rien dire. Il a même le droit de parler, pour la première fois que je sache, des jeux vidéo, comme si c’était le moment. S’il sait qu’il existe un problème avec les jeux vidéo, que n’en a-t-il fait un sujet de campagne électorale, que n’a-t-il demandé le vote d’une loi au Parlement, que n’a-t-il cherché à prévenir ou endiguer leurs méfaits ? C’est bien le moment de parler des jeux vidéo, quand il lui est demandé, non pas de prévenir leurs méfaits, mais de rétablir l’ordre. S’il avait fait voter une loi pour interdire, confisquer, réglementer – que sais-je ? – les jeux vidéo, il aurait aujourd’hui un pouvoir contre ce danger, mais il nous dit : « Je n’ai rien fait contre les jeux vidéo, je ne vous en ai même jamais parlé, c’est comme si je ne m’étais jamais rendu compte de rien, et voilà le résultat. » C’est surréaliste. Il peut dire ce qu’il veut aux parents, il n’a pas été élu pour donner des leçons de pédagogie. Qu’est-ce qui lui fait croire que les parents ont encore de l’autorité sur leurs enfants, d’abord ? Le problème de l’autorité touche les familles au premier chef, et ce n’est pas comme si l’État français ne s’était pas acharné contre l’autorité dans les familles ces dernières décennies. Quant à la prévisibilité de la durée des émeutes, les médias parlent d’un précédent de 2005 et je trouve très fort que tout le monde, apparemment, ait tout de suite compris que c’est 2005 qui était en train de se refaire. La perspicacité des commentateurs de ce pays est quelque chose de merveilleux.

Les médias faisant les titres sur 2005, s’ils parlent d’une longue série, plutôt qu’un précédent unique, cela n’apparaît pas dans les titres. Ils n’ont qu’à écrire dans les titres que c’est le dernier numéro d’une longue série pour que le discours de la durée prévisible des émeutes devienne crédible, car, je le reconnais, je n’ai pas souvenir d’autres dates. Je me souviens, en revanche, des Gilets jaunes, il n’y a pas si longtemps, et des manifestations contre la réforme des retraites, encore plus près de nous. Et de certaines images qui se ressemblent. Cependant, les gens capables de faire des pronostics à partir d’un précédent vieux de dix-huit ans ne sont pas des pronostiqueurs mais des agitateurs. Je voudrais que le garde des sceaux leur rappelle un certain nombre de choses à eux aussi. 99 % des Français ne lisent que les titres des journaux (plutôt que le journal tout entier) et seraient donc forcément convaincus que le précédent date de 2005 si des agitateurs professionnels et qui devraient se faire rappeler un certain nombre de choses ne soufflaient sur les braises.

Les propos sur la responsabilité des familles sont, comme pour les jeux vidéo, de la diversion : c’est évoquer des voies d’évolution législative dans un futur hypothétique alors qu’il est question de savoir quels pouvoirs exécutifs (ce qui n’inclut pas l’action contentieuse civile : voir supra) on emploie et comment pour rétablir l’ordre. Ils sont déjà dans « l’après », pour éloigner l’attention du présent. Et cet après ne répond évidemment même pas à la question des violences policières, puisque les agitateurs professionnels et le gouvernement sont d’accord pour dire que cela n’existe pas.

Contre les agitateurs professionnels, il faut des poursuites pénales pour incitation à la haine, à la suite de propos sur de grands médias, tels que « Ces gens se permettent des choses que les Français ne se permettraient jamais » (comme si les émeutiers n’étaient pas français) et « Pour eux, c’est une guerre de conquête ». À défaut de poursuites pénales, il s’agit de comprendre que ce gouvernement applique la législation de répression des propos haineux de manière discriminatoire en vue d’assurer l’impunité de certains. Que pourrait dire un procureur de la République prononçant le réquisitoire attendu ? Voici. (1) La République française applique le principe de la nationalité par droit du sol, il est par conséquent certain que la grande majorité des émeutiers, dont de nombreux mineurs, sont français. L’auteur des propos se fonde quant à lui, de manière illégitime, sur le droit du sang pour dénier la qualité de Français aux personnes en question. À partir d’une définition fictive, il oppose les comportements de deux catégories de personnes, les étrangers et les Français : ces derniers n’auraient pas de tendances émeutières en vertu de la qualité de leur sang ou d’un attachement millénaire au sol (car ils sont « de souche »). Ceci est de l’incitation à la haine envers les personnes d’origine étrangère, c’est-à-dire « à raison de » leur race, ethnie ou religion, personnes dont la présence serait, à raison de leur race etc., la raison des émeutes, et même la seule raison (la police est hors de cause). La conclusion en est nécessairement que ces personnes doivent être écartées d’une manière ou d’une autre, à raison de leur race etc., dans un souci d’ordre public, car sans ces « étrangers » pas d’émeutes. (2) La « guerre de conquête » est, pour l’auteur de ces propos, une nouvelle conquête de la France par les Sarrasins. Ces émeutes n’ont, pour lui, rien à voir avec des violences policières inexistantes : il s’agit d’un affrontement civilisationnel qui nécessite de la part de la France des mesures défensives contre ces personnes à raison de leur ethnie ou religion, c’est-à-dire des mesures discriminatoires assumées en tant que telles. Sans de telles mesures, la France sera conquise et perdue. Ceci est de l’incitation à la discrimination et à la haine.

(ii)

Sur la responsabilité des parents, il existe un principe de responsabilité civile du fait d’autrui, à l’article 1242 (ancien article 1384) du Code civil : « On est responsable non seulement du dommage que l’on cause par son propre fait, mais encore de celui qui est causé par le fait des personnes dont on doit répondre … Le père et la mère, en tant qu’ils exercent l’autorité parentale, sont solidairement responsables du dommage causé par leurs enfants mineurs habitant avec eux. … La responsabilité ci-dessus a lieu, à moins que les père et mère ne prouvent qu’ils n’ont pu empêcher le fait qui donne lieu à cette responsabilité. » Cependant, la doctrine souligne, pour dire qu’elle n’apprécie pas ce principe, que notre droit ne reconnaît pas un principe de responsabilité générale du fait d’autrui (il n’existe pas du tout en matière pénale : art. 121-1 CP). Après avoir tellement entendu parler de justice des mineurs sans avoir entendu parler en même temps de ces dispositions de responsabilité civile des parents du fait de leurs enfants, je suis porté à croire que les autorités les ont purement et simplement oubliées, et il n’est donc nullement légitime de leur part de les évoquer aujourd’hui, dans le contexte d’une pratique de la justice des mineurs qui l’ignore, ainsi que de l’acharnement de l’État français contre l’autorité dans les familles (qui fait obstacle à une imputation de responsabilité des parents). Mais surtout, puisqu’il s’agit de responsabilité civile, il faut, pour qu’elle soit engagée, des constitutions de partie civile. La justice des mineurs dissuaderait-elle les victimes de se constituer partie civile aux procès ? Ou bien les avocats des victimes oublient-ils de leur dire qu’elles peuvent demander d’engager la responsabilité des parents ? Ou bien la preuve que les parents n’ont pu empêcher les infractions commises par leurs enfants est-elle plus ou moins automatiquement acquise ?

L’État pourrait, j’imagine, se constituer partie civile pour les dégâts sur les équipements publics relevant de lui, mais c’est la portion congrue, la plupart des équipements touchés relevant des collectivités, qui ne sont pas à la botte du garde des sceaux. L’État peut engager des poursuites pénales (l’action publique) sans plaignant mais, pour le paiement de dommages-intérêts aux victimes, il faut un volet civil au procès, c’est-à-dire une constitution de partie civile. Les menaces du garde des sceaux ne pourraient donc, dans le cadre de la responsabilité du fait d’autrui de l’article 1242 CC, se réaliser que si l’État lui-même peut se porter partie civile, ce qui semble impossible pour des dégâts non seulement sur des biens privés mais encore sur des équipements qui relèvent des collectivités locales.

Le dépôt de plainte avec constitution de partie civile implique le versement d’une consignation, plus les frais du procès ensuite (frais d’avocat). C’est pourquoi il existe des dispositifs pour procéder à une réparation en dehors de tout procès, en raison de quoi les victimes s’abstiennent plus facilement de se constituer partie civile : Fonds de garantie des infractions (pour les actes de terrorisme, les infractions ayant entraîné la mort ou une invalidité grave, les viols et agressions sexuelles), mesures indemnisant les commerces vandalisés lors de manifestations publiques, et autres.

Or, « en l’absence de texte spécial (ce qui devient rare), la Cour de cassation, chambre criminelle, déclare souvent l’action de l’association irrecevable devant la juridiction répressive (surtout lorsqu’il s’agit d’association à but désintéressé), au motif que le préjudice causé par l’infraction n’est pas personnel à l’association (le même argument conduit à repousser, sauf texte contraire, l’action civile exercée par l’État, le département ou la commune, dont l’intérêt se confond avec l’intérêt social protégé par l’action publique). Permettre aux associations d’exercer largement l’action civile devant la juridiction répressive (c’est-à-dire de déclencher l’action publique) serait empiéter sur les prérogatives du ministère public, défenseur attitré de l’intérêt général. L’action civile, dans l’aventure, perdrait son caractère fondamental d’action en réparation pour devenir un simple moyen de déclencher l’action publique » (J. Larguier, La procédure pénale, 1994). Sauf texte spécial, pas plus que les collectivités, l’Etat ne pourrait donc nullement se constituer partie civile dans ces émeutes et demander aux parents de payer via l’article 1242 CC. Du reste, l’argument cité par l’auteur, qui écrivait avant l’existence en France d’un contrôle de constitutionnalité, montre assez ce qu’il faut penser de ces textes spéciaux : ils dérogent à des principes fondamentaux, notamment (1) le monopole de l’accusation publique détenu par le ministère public (le parquet) et (2) le principe selon lequel l’intérêt de l’État se confond avec l’intérêt social protégé par l’action publique. Ces textes spéciaux semblent donc parfaitement inconstitutionnels.

Dans Le Parisien du 13 juillet 2023 (pages Grand Parisien), on trouve une interview du procureur général, qui affirme : « À Créteil, le parquet a aussi notifié leurs obligations par écrit aux parents des mineurs déférés devant le juge, pour leur signifier très clairement que leur responsabilité pouvait être engagée. » Très clairement, le parquet parle pour les autres. En tant que responsable de l’action publique, le parquet applique le principe pénal contenu à l’art. 121-1 CP, « Nul n’est responsable pénalement que de son propre fait », c’est-à-dire que les parents sont hors de cause selon ce principe. Le principe civil, qui est que « la responsabilité civile est plus étendue que la responsabilité pénale » et dont une application est l’art. 1242 CC concernant entre autres les parents d’enfants mineurs habitant chez eux, échappe donc à tout pouvoir du parquet : pour être mis en œuvre, ce principe nécessite une action civile (à la différence de l’action publique). C’est un peu comme quand, dans le même numéro du Parisien, le ministre de l’intérieur, au sujet d’un fait divers mortel, annonce, et c’est la conclusion de l’article : « Ce drame ne restera pas impuni. » C’est Mme Irma avec sa boule de cristal qui le lui a dit ? Car, pour ce qui concerne les attributions du ministre, elles ne s’étendent pas jusqu’à punir les crimes et délits, ce qui relève de la justice, alors qu’il est, lui, au gouvernement. Si la personne déférée à la justice est déclarée irresponsable, par exemple, le ministre sera démenti. L’action publique dépend certes du gouvernement, le parquet étant soumis à son pouvoir hiérarchique, mais quand le ministre dit « ce sera puni », il ne peut parler que de ce qui relève de son pouvoir ; or la punition au sens courant, la peine judiciaire, relève de la justice, mais peut-être que l’on peut aussi considérer des poursuites comme une punition en soi, si les autorités savent s’y prendre (« nous l’avons bien puni, nous pouvons à présent le déférer à la justice ») ; il faudrait demander à la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme ce qu’elle en pense. – Et toujours dans le même numéro, un article sur L’IGPN saisie après l’interpellation de Youssouf Traoré, lequel manifestait comme les années précédentes contre la mort de son frère Adama à la suite d’une interpellation policière en 2016.

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La chanteuse Izïa [Higelin] évoque le lynchage de Macron en plein concert, le parquet de Nice ouvre une enquête. (Le Parisien, juillet 2023)

Ce gouvernement ne connaît pas le droit à l’hyperbole et est donc ignorant en matière de liberté d’expression. Le grief, provocation à commettre un crime ou délit, n’est nullement crédible, c’est du flicage gouvernemental de la parole. Des Gilets jaunes ont été relaxés après une décapitation symbolique (voyez mon essai L’art de la décapitation symbolique ici) mais ça n’a pas empêché le parquet du même exécutif bis de traquer une nouvelle violence à pantin plus récente, comme si la justice n’avait rien dit sur le sujet. C’est lamentable.

La provocation à commettre un crime ou délit, c’est l’article 24 de la loi de 1881 sur la liberté de la presse. Cet article 24 précise qu’il faut avoir « directement provoqué » et concerne les propos qui n’ont pas été suivis d’effet. Ici, les propos n’ont certes pas été suivis d’effet (à part le déplacement des gendarmes, mais c’est un autre problème), et pour cause ils ne pouvaient être suivis d’aucun effet, Macron n’étant pas présent au concert, et hors de ce contexte les propos ne peuvent s’entendre comme une provocation, au vu de la forme. Comment cela pourrait-il donc passer pour une provocation « directe » ? Le mot n’est pas là pour faire joli. Une provocation directe est une provocation plus une autre condition, qui fait ici défaut. Une provocation est directe quand elle est susceptible d’avoir un effet immédiat ou imminent. Par exemple, si Izïa Higelin avait dit : « Allez, on casse tout ici », même si ce n’avait pas été suivi d’effet, c’aurait été une provocation directe à du vandalisme car la foule des spectateurs aurait pu en effet tout casser. Mais l’audience n’aurait pas pu agir aux termes de ladite provocation en cause, donc celle-ci, même si c’était une provocation, ne serait pas directe.

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La polygamie existe en droit français

La polygamie est un régime juridique ; ce n’est pas ce régime qui fait qu’un homme a ou peut avoir plusieurs femmes en même temps (polygynie), mais seul ce régime juridique permet à un homme d’avoir des enfants légitimes de plusieurs femmes en même temps. Or la reconnaissance des enfants naturels dans notre droit a exactement cette conséquence, ce qui fait que notre droit reconnaît la polygamie.